BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN’S  RELATIONS  WITH  THE  ENGLISH  RADICALS 


BY 

KATHARINE  WHEELER  CULLEN 
A.  B.  University  of  Illinois,  1920 


THESIS 

Submitted  in  Partial  Fulfillment  of  the  Requirements  for  the 

Degree  of 

MASTER  OF  ARTS 
IN  ENGLISH 

IN 

THE  GRADUATE  SCHOOL 

OF  THE 

UNIVERSITY  OF  ILLINOIS 


1921 


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TABLE  OP  CONTENTS 


Page 


I.  Franklin  the  Radical  1 

II.  Franklin's  Relations  with  Paine  12 

III.  Franklin  and  Dr.  Price  25 

IV.  Franklin  and  Priestley  34 

V.  Conclusion  49 

VI . Appendix  53 

VII.  Bibliography  55 


BE1\IJAMHT  EMMLIirS  ilSIATIOES 
WITH 

THE  EHGIISH  RADICALS 


Digitized  by  the  Internet  Archive 
in  2016 


https://archive.org/details/benjaminfranklinOOcull 


PREFACE 


Benjamin  Franklin  became  familiar  with  radicalism  early  in 
life.  At  the  age  of  sixteen  he  became  a vegetarian  in  order  to 
save  money  to  buy  Locke’s  ’’Human  Understanding”  and  the  Port 
Royalist  ’’Art  of  Thinking.”  Before  this  he  had  imbibed  the  phil- 
osophy of  scepticism  from  Shaftesbury  and  Collins.  In  1725  he 

met  Bernard  Handeville  and  his  club  at  a Cheapside  ale-house,  and 

1 

found  him  ”a  most  facetious  entertaining  companion. Luring  his 
next  visit  in  England  he  met  David  Hume  and  Adam  Smith,  and  was 
eagerly  sought  after  by  men  of  science. 

Franklin’s  third  visit  to  England  introduced  him  to  the  two 
vigorous  Dissenting  ministers,  Dr.  Price  and  Dr.  Priestley,  and 
to  Thomas  Paine,  the  author  of  ’’Common  Sense.” 

In  making  this  study,  I have  endeavored  to  show  the  rela- 
tions that  existed  between  Franklin  and  the  English  radicals-  as 
revealed  in  their  friendships,  letters,  and  works,  and  I have 
tried  to  shov;  that  radicalism  was  as  vital  and  early  a factor  in 
American  politics  as  it  was  in  the  political  life  of  England. 


1 

Writings,  Vol.  1,  P.  278. 


ibi 


• V -f  .* 


i<^lHip«imw;w  — fc.gKe— 


1 


I. 

i^RAlJKLIH  THE  HAHICAL 

Franklin's  radicalism  was  inevitable.  He  was  born  to  it,  he 
cherished  and  cultivated  it,  and  he  was  fitted  by  temperament  and 
natural  ability  to  make  expediency  successful,  because  of  it. 

His  father,  driven  out  of  England  by  the  Conventicle  Act,  came 

to  Hew  England  so  that  he  could  .en;joy  his  "mode  of  religion  with 
1 

freedom."”*  His  mother  v/as  the  daughter  of  Peter  Folger,  one  of  the 
first  settlers  of  Hev/  England,  who  was  honorably  mentioned  in  Cotton 
Llather's  history,  as  "a  godly,  learned  Englishman."  He  was  distin- 
guished, even  among  his  radical  neighbors,  by  his  zeal  for  religious 
freedom,  having  written  an  address  to  the  government  of  his  colony 
"in  favor  of  liberty  of  conscience,  and  in  behalf  of  the  Baptists, 
Quakers,  and  other  sectaries  that  had  been  under  persecution,  a- 
scribing  the  Indian  wars,  and  other  distresses  that  had  befallen  the 
country,  to  that  persecution,  as  so  many  judgments  of  God  to  punish 
so  heinous  an  offense,  and  exhorting  a repeal  of  those  uncharitable 
lav/s . 

Franklin's  father  destined  him  for  the  church,  and  with  this 
end  in  vie?/  he  sent  him  to  the  grammar-school,  while  his  uncle  pro- 
posed to  give  him  "all  his  short-hand  volumes  of  sermons."  Although 
he  made  rapid  progress  in  school,  his  fomal  education  came  to  an 
end  in  his  tenth  year,  when  he  informed  his  father  that  he  did  not 
wish  to  become  a minister,  but  wanted  to  go  to  sea  instead.  He  v/as 
fond  of  reading  and  read  everything  that  came  in  his  way,  even  his 


1 

.writings,  ed.  by  Smith,  In-cmillan  & Co.,  Hew  York,  1907,  Vol.  i. 

p:  sSi,  i ibia.  p.  2S2. 


E 


father’s  little  library  consisting  ’’chiefly  of  boohs  in  polemic  di- 
vinity." Among  these  books  was  one,  blather ’s  Essay  ^ Good, 
v/hich  gave  him  a "turn  of  thinking"  that  had  an  effect  on  some  of 
the  principal  future  events  of  his  life. 

He  had  been  religiously  educated  as  a Presbyterian,  but  very 
soon,  he  says,  "some  of  the  dogmas  of  that  persuasion,  such  as  the 
eternal  decrees  of  God,  election,  reprobation  etc.  appeared  to  me 
unintelligible,  others  doubtful,  and  I early  absented  myself  from 
the  public  assemblies  of  the  sect."^  He  was, however,  never  without 
some  religious  principles.  Though  he  doubted  Revelation,  he  be- 
lieved, he  says,  "the  existence  of  the  Piety,  that  he  made  the  world 
and  governed  it  by  his  Providence;  that  the  most  acceptable  service 
of  God  was  the  doing  good  to  man;  that  our  souls  are  immortal;  and 
that  all  crime  ?/ill  be  punished  either  here  or  hereafter."—  He  re- 
garded these  as  the  essentials  of  every  religion,  and  as  he  foimd 
them  in  all  the  religions  in  the  country,  he  came  to  look  upon  all 
religions  with  a respect  proportional  to  the  degree  in  which  he 
found  his  own  beliefs  in  them.  "This  respect  to  all,  with  an  opin- 
ion that  the  v/orst  has  some  good  effects,  induced  me  to  avoid  all 
discourse  that  might  tend  to  lessen  the  good  opinion  another  might 
have  of  his  own  religion;  and  as  our  province  increased  in  people, 
and  new  places  of  v/orship  were  continually  wanted,  and  generally 
' erected  by  voluntary  contribution,  my  mite  for  such  purpose,  v/hat- 
ever  might  be  the  sect,  was  never  refused."— 


-Ibid.  Yol.  i,  p.  5E4. 
2 

Ibid.  p.  325. 

3 

Ibid. 


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He  had  a high  sense  of  the  propriety  and  utility  of  public  wor- 
ship, but  finding  the  Sunday  service  "uninteresting  and  unedifying, 
since  not  a single  moral  principle  was  inculcated  or  enforc’d,"  he 
devoted  his  Sunday  to  study,  choosing  to  be  a good  citizen  rather 
than  a Presbyterian. 

To  this  end  he  drew  up  for  himself  "a  little  liturgy  or  form  of 

1 

prayer--  entitled  Articles  of  Belief  and  Acts  of  Religion.  It  is 
a frank  confession  of  the  Peism,  in  v/hich  he  was  confirmed  at  the 
age  of  fifteen,  and  may  be  summ.ed  up  in  his  resolution,  "Let  me  re- 
solve to  be  virtuous,  that  I may  be  happy,  that  I may  please  Him, 

£ 

v/ho  is  delighted  to  see  me  happy."—  This  pursuit  of  virtue  to  which 
he  pledged  himself  was  no  light  task,  but  an  arduous  labor,  calling 
for  the  most  scrupulous  care  and  the  most  exacting  self-discipline. 
He  selected  from  a list  of  all  the  virtues,'  t\¥elve,  which  seemed  the 
most  useful,  and  set  himself  deliberately  to  acquire  them  in  the 
following  order;  temperance,  silence,  order,  resolution,  frugality, 
industry,  sincerity,  justice,  moderation,  cleanliness,  tranquillity 
and  chastity.  At  the  suggestion  of  a Quaker  friend  he  added  humil- 
ity to  his  list,  taking  for  his  models  Jesus  and  Socrates. 

He  became  so  enamored  of  the  pursuit  of  virtue  that  he  was 
anxious  to  form  a United  Party  for  Virtue.  This  he  would  have 
called  "The  Society  of  the  Free  and  Easy : free,  as  being,  by  the 
general  practice  and  habit  of  the  virtues,  free  from  the  dominion 
of  vice;  and  particularly  by  the  practice  of  industry  and  frugality, 
free  from. debt,  which  exposes  a man  to  confinement,  and  a species 

—Ibid.  p.  326. 

2 

Ibid.  Vol.  ii,  p.  94. 


4 


of  slavery  to  his  creditors."—  He  had  observed  that  few  men  act 
v/ith  a view  to  the  good  of  their  country,  and  "fewer  still  in  public 
affairs  act  with  a view  to  the  good  of  mankind."  He  believed  that 
the  most  acceptable  service  of  God  was  doing  good  to  man,  and  so  he 
endeavored  to  make  himself  useful  in  this  service  by  devoting  some 
space  in  his  Almanack  to  little  proverbs,  "such  as  inculcated  in- 
dustry and  frugality,  as  means  of  procuring  wealth,  and  thereby 
securing  virtue;  it  being  more  difficult  for  a man  in  want,  to  act 

always  honestly,  as,  to  use  here  one  of  those  proverbs,  it  is  hard 

2 

for  an  empty  sack  to  stand  upright. 

His  pursuit  of  virtue  was  utilitarian  in  its  aim,  and  tended  to 
the  cultivation  of  "that  Benignity  of  Hind  which  shov/s  itself  in 
searching  for  and  seizing  every  Opportunity  serve  and  to  -oblige ; 
and  is  the  foundation  of  what  is  called  Good  Breeding;--  Ability  to 
serve  Llankind,  one’s  Country,  friends,  and  family;  ¥\^hich  Ability  is 
(v^?ith  the  Blessing  of  God)  to  be  acquired  or  greatly  increased  by 
true  Learning;;  and  should  indeed  be  the  great  Aim  and  End  of  all 
Learning . He  intended  to  write  a treatise  on  the  art  of  virtue , 
but  he  says,  "the  necessary  close  attention  to  private  business  in 
the  earlier  part  of  my  life,  and  public  business  since  have  occa- 
sioned my  postponing  it,"  and  so  we  have  never  had  the  "great  and 

4 

extensive  project,  that  required  the  whole  man  to  execute. 

There  was  nothing  mystical,  nothing  romantic  in  franklin’s 
religion.  He  received  his  first  impulse  to  the  development  of  an 
independent  system  of  religion  and  morality  based  on  virtue,  from 

“Ibid.  Vol.  i,  p.  341. 
wibid.  pp.  342-345. 

£lbid.  Yol.  ii,  p.  396. 
ilbid.  Yol.  i,  p.  357. 


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Locke,  ”a  great  writer"  in  his  opinion.  This  was  supplemented  hy 
the  Art  of  Thinking  of  the  Port  Hoyalists,  and  finally  he  gleaned 
from  Collins  and  Shaftesbury  just  enough  of  the  Leistic  principles 
they  professed,  to  make  his  religion  comfortable  and  respectable, 
but  never  aggressive  and  bitter.  In  building  up  his  "Christian 
edifice,"—  he  would  turn  his  house  upside  d'ov/n,  so  that  Charity 
would  occupy  the  ground  floor,  and  Paith  and  Hope  v;ould  be  trans- 
ferred to  the  attic.  It  was  a new  and  purely  personal  religion 
from  which  were  excluded  the  services  and  traditions  of  the  past, 
but  which  retained  all  its  benevolence  and  charity  touched  with 
prudence  and  common  sense. 

Pranklin’s  political  attitude  is  more  complex.  It  was  shaped 
by  necessity,  and  developed  to  meet  the  occasions  as  they  were 
forced  upon  him  by  a peculiar  situation  v^fhich  found  him  at  the  cen- 
ter in  every  crisis. 

His  preliminary  political  training  was  received  at  the  Junto, 

a little  debating  society  of  twelve  members,  who  were  united  by  a 

common  interest  in  morals,  politics,  and  philosophy.  The  club  was 

found  so  useful,  and  gave  so  much  satisfaction  that  some  of  the 

members  wanted  to  bring  in  their  friends.  Pranklin  opposed  this 

idea, "but,  instead  of  it,  made  in  writing  a proposal,  that  every 

member  separately  should  endeavor  to  form  a subordinate  club,  with 

the  same  rules  respecting  queries  etc.,  and  without  informing  them 

2 

of  the  connection  with  the  Junto.”—  The  advantages  proposed  v/ere 
the  improvement  of  a larger  number  of  citizens,  a better  acquaint- 
ance with  the  geneial  sentiments  of  the  people  as  a whole,  but 

— Ibid.  Vol.  lii,  p.  460. 

- Ibid.  Vol.  i,  p.  349. 


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’especially  the  promotion  of  their  own  particular  interests  in  "busi- 
ness by  extensive  recommendation,  and  the  increase  of  their  influence 
in  public  affairs  and  in  the  power  of  doing  good  by  spreading  the  . 
sentiments  of  the.  Junto. 

It  was  a splendid  training  in  organization  and  leadership,  and 
as  a result  of  it,  Franklin  emerged  as  the  Clerk  of  the  General  As- 
sembly in  1736,  and  the ‘Junto  became  a political  organ  of  the  Colony. 
He  turned  his  attention  to  public  affairs,  beginning  with  small  mat- 
ters that  needed  improvement,  and  the  ideas  being  approved  by  the 
Junto,  were  communicated  to  other  clubs,  and  in  this  way  he  v/as  able 
to  impose  his  mind  on  the  public  by  creating  a public  opinion  in 
favor  of  his  projects. 

In  1754  he  proposed  a plan  for  the  union  of  the  colonies,  but 
it  met  with  opposition  from  England  as  granting  too  much  po¥/er  to  the 
colonies,  while  the  colonies  opposed  it  for  giving  too  much  pov/er  to 
England.  Twenty  years  later,  the  colonies  formed  this  union  without 
the  consent  of  the  Mother  Country,  proving  the  truth  of  Franklin's 
assertion,  that  it  was  "absolutely  necessary  for  their  preservation.” 
Preparedness  was  one  of  Franklin's  favorite  doctrines.  "The  very 
Fame  of  our  Strength  and  Readiness  would  be  a means  of  Discouraging 
our  Enemies.--  The  way  to  secure  Peace  is  to  be  prepared  for  Y/ar."— 

It  was,  hov/ever,  the  interest  of  Great  Britain  that  Franklin  had 
most  at  heart.  He  v/as  an  enthusiastic  Englishman,  ambitious  for  the 
British  occupation  of  America,  and  fearful  of  an  injudicious  treaty 
that  would  leave  France  in  possession  of  Canada  and  Louisiana,  to  be 
a menace  to  colonial  expansion.  For  the  same  reason  he  protested 


— Ibid.  Vol.  ii,  p.  552. 


V 


7 


against  the  government 's  policy  of  commercial  interference  and  re- 
striction of  trade,  seeing  in  the  crippling  of  the  members,  a ?;eaken- 
ing  of  the  whole  nation. 

Like  all  good  Whigs,  Franklin  had  a high  respect  for  property, 
and  he  opposed  the  passage  of  the  Stamp  Act  on  the  grounds  of  its 
cruelty  and  injustice.  In  spite  of  his  opposition,  the  hill  passed, 
and  Franklin  accepted  the  defeat  with  philosophical  serenity.  He 
says  "I  took  every  step  in  my  pov/er  to  prevent  the  passing  of  the 
Stamp  Act. --But  the  Tide  was  too  strong  against  us.--  We  might  as 
well  have  hindered  the  sun's  setting.  But  since  'tis  down,--  and  it 
may  he  long  before  it  rises  again,  let  us  make  as  good  a night  as  w/e 
can  of  it. — Frugality  and  Industry  will  go  a great  way  toward  in- 
demnifying us.  Idleness  and  Pride  tax  with  a heavier  hand  than 
kings  and  Parliaments;'  if  we  can  get  rid  of  the  former,  we  rnaj/  easily 
hear  the  latter.—" 

The  Americans  were  of  a different  mind,  and' when  the  news  of  the 
adoption  of  the  hated  measure  reached  the  colonies,  Franklin  was  re- 
garded as  a betrayer  of  their  trust.  But  with  his  customary  sagac- 
ity, Franklin  grasped  the  situation,  threw  himself  unreservedly  into 
the  cause  of  his  constituents,  clothed  himself  "from  head  to  foot  in 
Woollen  and  linnen"  of  his  wife's  manufacture,  and  proved  his  loy- 
alty in  a six  weeks'  searching  examination  before  the  bar  of  Parlia- 
ment. The  Stamp  Act  was  repealed,  and  Franklin  again  became  the 
good  Englishman  sending  Deborah  material  for  a ne?/  govm,  "a  fine 
Piece  of  Pompadour  Satin,  14  yards,  cost  11  shillings  a yard,"  to- 
gether with  cambrics,  laces,  threads  and  fine  linen  table  cloths 
all  made  in  the  Mother  Country. 

“1 

Ibid.  Vol.  iii,  p.  390. 


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8 


Franklin’s  efficiency  v/as  once  more  recognized  by  the  colonists 
and  after  the  Boston  l^assacre  Franklin  was  chosen  to  represent  col- 
onial interests  in  England.  His  policy  was  a conciliatory  one,  and 
he  labored  incessantly  for  a peaceful  settlement  of  the  differences, 
so  as  ’’not  to  suffer  by  their  little  Misunderstandings,  so  glorious 
a Fabric  as  the  present  British  Empire  to  be  demolished  by  these 
Blunders.”— 

Ivlien  he  rea,ched  America  in  Llay  17V5,  he  found  that  war  had 
actually  begun.  With  the  ardor  of  a youth  and  the  prudence  of  a 
sage,  he  gave  to  his  compatriots  the  great  wealth  of  his  experience 
in  organization,  and  undertook  to  finance  the  war.  He  became  the 
ardent  champion  of  liberty.  Out  of  his  shattered  fabric  of  empire, 
was  woven  a fairer  and  a nobler  dream,  that  of  a human  fatherland, 
based  on  universal  brotherhood  and  the  rights  of  man.  The  idea  had 
been  developing  within  him,  since  it  was  first  enkindled  by  his  con- 
tact with  the  determined  spirit  of  American  radicalism  in  1765.  It 
had  been  recognized  by  Du  Pont  de  Hemours,  who  said,  ”Avant  ce 
temp,  Monsieur,  je  connaisias  bien  de  vous  le  Savant,  le  Geometre, 

f 

le  Physicien,  I'homme  d (^ui  la  nature  permet  de  devoiler  ses  secrets. 

t 

Bespues  ce  temp  Monsieur  le  Bocteur  Barbeu  du  Bourg  mon  ami  a bien 
voulu  me  communiquer  plusieurs  de  vos  ecrits  relatifs  anx  affaires 

f 

de  votre  patrie.  J 'ai  pris  la  liberte  d'en  traduire  quelques-ans , 

^ / 

J'y  ai  reconnu  a chaque  page  le  philosophe  citoyen  occupe  avec 

' ' / — 
genie  du  bonheur  de  ses  freres  et  des  interets  le  plus  chers  de 

1 'humanite . 


1 

Ibid.  Yol.  vi,  p.  319. 

2 Ibid.  Yol.  V.  pp.  153-154. 


I. 


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9 


David  Hume  had  recognised  it,  and  regretted  that  England  had 
not  the  same  regard  for  wisdom  as  she  had  for  gold.  She  took  care 
never  to  send  back  an  ounce  of  gold,  once  her  fingers  had  been  on 
it,  but  she  let  a philosopher  leave  the  country  without  a sign  of 
•regret. 

Eranklin,  himself,  sav/  that  he  had  within  him.,  a spirit  of 
world  nationality  that  England  did  not  comprehend.  He  felt  it  in 
the  Americans,  and  responded  to  every  stimulus  that  came  from  them. 
”I  am  sorry, " he  said,  when  speaking  of  the  national  prejudices  of 
England,  "to  find  that  that  wisdom  which  sees  the  welfare  of  the 
parts  in  the  prosperity  of  the  whole,  seems  yet  not  to  be  knov/n  in 
this  country."—  This  strong  sense  of  universal  brotherhood  made  him 
deprecate  the  horrors  of  war,  not  only  for  its  wanton  v/aste  of  life, 
but  also  because  of  its  immense  drain  of  the  economic  resources.  In 
a letter  to  Sir  Joseph  Banks  he  wrote,  "I  join  with  you  most  cor- 
dially in  rejoicing  at  the  return  of  Peace.  I hope  it  will  be  last- 
ing, and  that  Liankind  vail  at  length,  as  they  call  themselves  rea- 
sonable creatures,  have  Season  and  Sense  enough  to  settle  their 
differences  v/ithout  cutting  throats;  for  in  my  opinion,  there  never 
v/as  a p;ood  War , or  a bad  Peace . V/hat  vast  additions  to  the  Conveni- 
ences and  Comforts  of  the  living  might  Mankind  have  acquired,  if  the 
Money  spent  in  V/ars  had  been,  employed  in  V/orks  of  public  utility.’ 
V/hat  an  extension  to  Agriculture,  even  to  the  Tops  of  our  Mountains; 
what  Rivers  rendered  navigable,  or  joined  by  Canals;  v/hat  Bridges, 
Aqueducts,  nev/  Roads,  and  other  public  Works,  Edifices,  and  Improve- 
ments, rendering  England  a corapleat  Paradise,  might  have  been 

"T 

Ibid.  p.  156. 


* 


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10 


obtained  by  spending  those  llillions  in  doirig  good,  which  in  the  last 
V/ar  have  been  spent  in  doing  Mischief;  in  bringing  Misery  into  thou- 
sands of  Families,  and  destroying  the  Lives  of  so  many  thousands  of 
working  people,  who  might  have  performed  the  useful  labor."—  Again 
on  this  same  question  he  wrote,  "Justice  is  as  strictly  due  between 
neivghbor  nations  as  between  neighbor  Citizens.  A Highv;ayman  is  as 
much  a Robber  when  he  plunders  in  a Gang,  as  when  single;  and  a 
nation  that  makes  an  unjust  War,  is  only  a great  Gang . 

5 4 

Franklin  regarded  suffrage—  as  a common  right  of  man,—  and  he 
vy^as  also  a firm  believer  in  equal  suffrage  for  states.  He  appre- 
hended no  danger  from  the  liberty-loving  Americans  giving  too  much 
power  to  their  governors,  but  he  sa?/  some  danger  "from  too  little 
obedience  of  the  governed."  V/ornan  suffrage,  however,  had  no  place 
in  his  political  theory.  V/hen  he  wanted  to  send  a present  to  his 
sister,  who  had  grown  to  be  a celebrs^ted  beauty,  he  considered  "that 
the  character  of  a good  housewife  v/as  far  preferable"  to  anything 
else,  and  so  he  sent  her  a spinning-wheel , "as  a small  token  of  his 
love  and  affection."  The  world  of  politics  in  which  Franklin  moved, 
v;as  a man's  world,  although  he  played  chess  and  discussed  mathemat- 
ical problems  with  the  sister  of  Lord  Howe,  who  was  v;orking  for  her 
brother's  political  interests.  He  was  opposed  to  slavery  on  the 
grounds  of  its  lack  of  humaneness,  as  well  as  its  inutility.  In 
1789,  as  president  of  the  Abolition  Society  he  signed  the  memorial 
presented  to  the  House  of  Representatives  begging  them  to  discourage 
the  inhuman  traffic.  The  next  year  he  v/rote  an  essay  for  the  Fed- 

ilbid.  Vol.  ix,  p.  tI"!  £•  Appendix  I. 

-Ibid.  p.  296.  ilbid.  Yol.  x,  p.  130. 


f if  ^ . 


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11 


eral  Gazette  in  which  he  showed  the  futility  of  the  argunients  in  de- 
fense of  the  trade. 

In  this  as  in  every  other  issue,  Franklin  knew  when  to  act,  as 

he  said,  ”it  is  not  only  right  to  strike  while  the  iron  is  hot,  but 

--  it  may  be  very  practicable  to  heat  it  by  continually  striking.”" 

This  he  did  fearlessly  and  manfully,  dominated  throughout  his  life, 

in  spite  of  the  variety  of  influences  that  reacted  on  him,  by  the 

Puritan  conviction  that  ’’truth,  sincerity,  and  integrity  in  dealings 

between  man  and  man  were  of  the  utmost  importance  to  the  felicity 
2 

of  life.”“  His  radicalism  was  not  the  passionate  expression  of  a 
fervid  enthusiasm.  It  was  a plant  of  a sturdier  and  surer  growth, 
sprung  from  the  Puritan  heritage  that  showed  itself  in  the  boy  of 
ten.  Long  before  he  inspired  Paine  and  Price  to  popularize  the 
principles  manifested  by  the  American  Revolution,  Franklin  had  en- 
joyed the  privileges  of  a national  group  emancipated  by  the  very 
non-conformity  that  gave  them  birth  in  a new  and  untried  land. 


1 

Ibid.  Vol.  viii,  p.  457. 

2 

Ibid.  Vol.  i,  p.  296. 


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12 


II. 

FSAITZL Ill’s  HELATI01T3  WITH  PAIHE 

Carlyle  says  that  Paine,  a "rehellious , unkempt  staymaker,” 
felt  that  he,  "a  sing-le  Heedleman,  did  hy  his  Common  Sense  Pamphlet 
free  America.”—  Paine  was  not  alone  in  this  idea.  In  January  1776, 
George  Washington  said,  "The  sound  doctrine  and  unanswerable  reason- 
ing contained  in  Common  Sense  will  not  leave  numbers  at  a loss  to 

2 

decide  upon  the  propriety  of  a separation.”""  Two  months  later  he 

wrote,  "I  find  Common  Sense  is  working  a powerful  change  in  the 

3 

minds  of  many  men.” 

Paine  wrote  Common  Sense  the  "latter  end  of  1776,  and  published 

it  the  first  of  January  1776.  • Independence  v/as  declared  the  fourth 

4 

of  July  following."—  Samuel  Adams  said,  "Your  Common  Sense  and  your 
Crisis  unquestionably  av/akened  the  public  mind,  and  led  the  people 
loudly  to  call  for  a Declaration  of  our  national  Independence . " — 
And  yet  Paine  says  he  had  no  disposition  for  "what  v;as  called  ” 
politics.  "The  natural  bent  of  my  mind  v;as  to  science.  I had  some 
talent  for  poetry;  but  this  I rather  repressed'  than  encouraged,  as 
leading  too  much  into  the  field  of  imagination.  As  soon  as  I v/as 
able,  I purchased  a pair  of  globes,  and  attended  the  philosophical 
lectures  of  iiartin  and  Ferguson,  and  became  afterwards  acquainted 
v/ith  Dr.  Bevis,  of  the  society  called  the  Royal  Society,  then  living 
in  the  Temple,  and  an  excellent  astronomer."—  Paine  v/as  at  this 

1 

"French  Revolution,"  Centenary  Edition,  Yol.  ii,  p.  21. 

■^V/ritinrrs ,Ed.  by  Ford  (1089)  Yol.  iii,  p.396.  Vol.  iv.  p.  4. 

^./ritings ,Ed . by  Conway  (1899)  Yol.  iv.  p.  6.  l.Ibid.  p.  201. 

The  Age  of  Reason,  V/ri tings , Yol.  iv,  p.  63. 


<.*L 


Mt 


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: It.;  . 

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13 


time  employed  by  Llr.  Gardiner  in  his  school  at  Plensington,  and  ’’sel- 
dom passed  five  minutes  in  v/hich  he  did  not  acquire  some  knowledge^” 
It  was  in  this  year  that  he  became  acquainted  with  Benjamin  franklin 

of  whom  he  said  in  1797,  "Dr.  franklin  has  been  mj/  intimate  friend 

2 

for  thirty  years  past,”—  and  to  whose  influence  are  due  Paine’s 
political  achievements.  It  v;as  a common  interest  in  science  that 
drew  these  two  men  together,  and  the  formal  introduction  was  made  by 
George  Lewis  Scott,  Paine’s  excise  employer,  who  labored  assiduously 
in  Paine's  behalf,  and  v/hom  Paine  esteemed  as  ”one  of  the  most  arni- 

g 

able  characters  I know.”— 

franklin  advised  Paine  to  go  to  America,  and  provided  him  \¥ith 
a recommendation  as  an  ’’ingenious,  v/orthy  young  man.”  He  asked 
Hichard  Bache  to  give  him  his  ’’best  advice  and  countenance”  and  fi- 
nally asked  him  to  ’’put  him  in  a way  of  obtaining  employment  as  a 
clerk,  or  assistant  tutor  in  a school,  or  assistant  surveyor,  (of  alj 
vdiich  I think  him  very  capable) — till  he  can  make  acquaintance  and 

4 

obtain  a knowledge  of  the  country.”—  Paine  arrived  in  america  Hovern- 
ber  20,  1774,  and  on  ilarch  4,  1775  he  v/rote  to  frankliii  from  Phila- 
delphia; ”Your  countenancing  me  has  obtained  for  me  many  friends  and 
much  reputation  for  which  please  accept  my  sincere  thanks.  I have 
been  applied  to  by  several  gentlemen  to  instruct  their  sons  on  very 
advantageous  terms  to  myself,  and  a printer  and  bookseller  here,  a 
man  of  reputation  and  property,  Robert  aitken  has  lately  attempted  a 
magazine,  but  having  little  or  no  turn  in  that  ?/ay  himself  he  has  ap* 

5 

plied  to  me  for  assistance.”—  Paine  edited  this  magazine  for  eighteen 
1 2 


Life , 

Yol.  i, 

p.  19. 

v/ri  tings , 

Yol. 

iv . 

, P* 

15. 

rz  * ' ' 

4 

Ibid . 

r 

p.  450. 

Writings , 

Yol. 

Vi, 

PP* 

248-249. 

Life , 

Yol.  i, 

p . 40 . 

/.•  :wv-w  I.'  '• 

^i''  ~y  ■ *fih  <•;' 

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14 


■months  at  a salary  of  fifty  pounds  a year.  A feature  of  the  maga- 
zine was  the  description  of  new  scientific  inventions,  and  this 
attracted  the  attention  of  Franklin's  Philosophical  Society,  and 
Paine  v/as  given  a warm  v/elcome  into  their  midst. 

Franklin  returned  to  America  in  T77-5,  reaching  Philadel-nhia  on 
the  6th  of  Play.  His  arrival  was  announced  "by  ringing  of  bells  to 
the  great  joy  of  the  city."  The  tories  hoped  for  some  good  from  his 
return,  believing  that  his  knov/ledge  and  experience  would  induce 
Congress  to  listen  to  his  judgment.—  But  Franklin  came,  not  to  in- 
duce the  patriots  to  return  to  the  Mother  Country  as  the  tories 
hoped,  but  to  finish  the  v^ork  that  Paine  had  just  begun.  ' Paine  says, 
"In  October  1775  Dr.  Franklin  proposed  giving  me  such  materials  as 
were  in  his  hands  tov/ards  com.pleting  a history  of  the  present  trans- 
actions, and  seemed  desirous  of  having  the  first  volume  out  the  next 
spring.  I had  then  form.ed  the  outlines  of  Common  Sense  and  finished 
nearly  the  first  part;  and  as  I supposed  the  doctor's  design  in  get- 
ting out  a history  was  to  open  the  new  year  with  a nev/  system,  I 
expected  to  surprise  him  v/ith  a production  on  that  subject  much 
earlier  than  he  thought  of;  and  without  informing  him  of  what  I was 

doing,  got  it  ready  for  the  press  as  fast  as  I conveniently  could 

2 

and  sent  him  the  first  pamphlet  that  was  printed  off."—  Vslien  the 
pamphlet  appeared  it  was  for  a time  believed  to  have  come  from 
Franklin. 

Franklin  had  v/ritten  to  Dr.  Priestley  just  after  his  arrival  in 
America,  "The  breach*  betv/een  the  two  countries  is  grown  wider,  and 
1 

Journal  of  Samuel  Curv/en,  Hew  York,  1845,  p.  27. 

2 

Lif e . Yol.  i,  p.  214. 


* - 


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15 


in  danger  of  'becoming  irrepara'ble . In  Septem'ber  he  wrote  to 

Jonathan  Williams,  ”Bnt  whether  America  is  ever  again  to  have  any 

connection  with  Britain  either  Commercial  or  Political  is  at  present 

uncertain.  All  depends  on  that  nation's  coming  to  its  Senses.  Here 

vie  are  preparing  and  determining  to  rim  all  Risques  rather  than  com- 

2 

ply  with  her  mad  Dem.ands;”—  and  in  October  he  said,  "A  separation  of 

3 

course  will  be  inevitable."”  In  December  he  virote  to  His  Most 

Serene  Highness,  Don  Gabriel,  of  Bourbon,  who  had  sent  him  a copy  of 

4 

the  version  of  Sallust  printed  in  1772,  "I  v/ish  I could  send  from 
hence  any  American  literary  Production  worthy  of  your  Perusal;  but 
as  yet  the  Muses  have  scarcely  visited  these  remote  Regions.  Per- 
haps, however,  the  late  Proceedings  of  our  American  Congress,  just 
published,  may.  be  a subject  of  some  Curiosity  at  your  Court.  I 
therefore  take  the  Liberty  of  sending  your  Highness  a Copy,  with 
some  other  Papers,  which  contain  Accounts  of  the  successes  wherev/ith 
Providence  has  lately  favored  us.  Therein  your  wise  Politicians  may 
contemplate  the  first  efforts  of  a rising  State,  which. seems  likely 
soon  to  act  a Part  of  some  Importance  on  the  Stage  of  Human  Affairs 
and  furnish  materials  for  a future  Sallust." 

Paine  expresses  Pranklin's  thought  in  Common  Sense , but  colors 
it  for  tlae  multitude  for  whom  it  was  intended.  "The  authority  of 
Great  Britain  over  this  continent  is  a form  of  government,  which 
sooner  or  later  must  have  an  end."—  "The—  birthday  of  a nev/  world 
is  at  hand,  and  a race  of  men,  perhaps  as  numerous  as  all  Europe 

1 2 

Writing's,  Vol.  vi,  p.  400.  Ibid.  p.  429. 

3 4 

Ibid.  p.  431.  Ibid.  pp.  456-437. 

5 6 

Writings . 'Vol . i,  p.  89.  Ibid.  p.  119. 


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16 


contains,  are  to  receive  their  portion  of  freedom  from  the  events 
of  a few  months.” 

The  spirit  that  impelled  Franklin  to  return  to  America  in  1775 

was  the  spirit  that  impelled  him  to  send  his  ingenious  young  friend 

to  America.  Franklin  had  preached  his  "unite  or  die"  doctrine  well, 

hut  it  had  only  influenced  the  handful  of  radical  leaders  who  came 

into  direct  contact  with  state  affairs.  Franklin's  keen  vision  saw 

in  Paine,  who  was  capable  of  fulfilling  a position  as  assistant 

tutor  or  assistant  anything,  until  he  learned  America's  need  of  him, 

the  medium  through  v/hom.  the  spirit  of  independence  must  reach  the 

people.  VJhile  Franklin  was  telling  the  illustrious  prince  of  Spain 

that  he  would  soon  behold  the  birth  of  a new  nation,  his  worthy 

young  friend  was  moving  the  minds  of  the  people,  and  exhorting  them 

1 

to  unite  or  die;  — "b'herefore  instead  of  gazing  at  each  other,  with 

suspicious  or  doubtful  curiosity,  let  each  of  us  hold  out  to  his 

neighbor  the  hearty  hand  of  friendship,  and  unite  in  drav/ing  a line, 

v;hich  like  an  act  of  oblivion,  shall  bury  in  forgetfulness  every 

form  of  dissention.  Let  the  names  of  v/hig  and  tory  be  extinct;  and 

let  none  other  be  heard  among  us  than  those  of  good  citizen;  and 

open  and  resolute  friend;  and  a virtuous  supporter  of  the  Rights  of 

i'lankind  and  of  the  Free  and  Independent  States  of  America . " 

Franklin  called  it  a "famous  piece"  and  said  it  "had  prodigious 
2 3 

effects"”"  at  the  beginning  “ of  the  Revolution,  and  greatly  "for- 
warded" it.  Paine  said,  "V/hen  I turned  my  thoughts  tov\^ard  matters 
of  government,  I had  to  form  a system  for  myself,  that  accorded  with 

~1 

Ibid.  p.  120. 

2 

jVri tings,  Vol.  ix,  p.  562. 

Ibid.  p.  565. 


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17 


the  moral  and  philosophic  principles  in  which  I had  been  educated."— 
He  believed  that  America's  cause  was  the  cause  of  Humanity.  "The 
independence  of  America,  considered  merely  as  a separation  from 
England,  would  have  been  a matter  but  of  little  importance,  had  it 
not  been  accompanied  by  a revolution  in  the  principles  and  practice 
of  governments . She  made  a stand  not  for  herself  only,  but  for  the 

p 

world,  and  looked  beyond  the  advantages  herself  could  receive.”— 

Eranklin  spoke  of  it  as  the  "cause  of  Liberty  and  America,"  and 

he  longed  for  the  return  of  "Peace  on  the  general  Principles  of  Hu- 
3 

manity."—  Paine  recognized  this  quality  in  Pranklin,  when  he  said 

4 

he  "was  not  the  diplomatic  of  a Court,  but  of  ilan."— 

After  the  Leclaration  of  Independence  was  adopted,  Pranklin  had 
to  work  to  find  the  substantial  aid  that  was  needed  to  obtain  the 
freedom  that  they  had  declared.  To  Paine  fell  the  work  of  develop- 
ing within  the  state,  the  spirit  of  independence  that  v/as  born  from 
Common  Sense . It  is  certain  that  America's  Preedorn  could  not  have 
been  obtained  without  the  financial  help  secured  from  Prance,  and  no 
one  could  have  obtained  that  help  without  the  influence  of  Pranklin. 
But  it  is  equally  certain  that  America's  Independence  had  to  be  fos- 
tered at  home,  and  no  influence  was  so  important,  and  no  single 
force  so  efficient  in  securing  this  support  as  Paine's  Crisis . "I 
found,"  he  says,  "the  dispositions  of  the  people  such,  that  they 
might  have  been  led  by  a thread  and  governed  by  a reed.  Their  sus- 
picion v/as  quick  and  penetrating,  but  their  attachment  to  Britain 
was  obstinate.--  They  disliked  the  Ministry,  but  they  esteemed  the 

I 2 

Writings,  Vol.  iv,  p.  63.  Ibid.  Vol.  ii,  p.  401. 

3 4 

Writings , Vol.  iii,  p.  454-455.  Y/ri tings , Vol.  ii,  p.  335. 


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18 


nation.”—  Paine  knew  his  povi^er.  In  the  A^e  of  Reason  he  said,  ”I 

believe  I should  never  have  been  known  in  the  v/orld  as  an  author  on 

2 

any  subject  whatever,  had  it  not  been  for  the  affairs  in  America.”— 
The  Crisis  shows  the  peculiar  ingenious  quality  that  Pranklin 
recognized  in  the  man.  He  does  not  blame  the  Americans  for  their 
attachment  to  the  Mother  Country.  He  listens  to  their  unspoken  pro- 
test against  the  harshness  of  a parent,  and,  with  genuine  sympathy, 
he  cries,  "These  are  times  that  try  men's  souls.”—  Then  he  praises 
their  aspiration.  "Heaven  knov/s  how  to  put  a proper  price  upon  its 
goods;  and  it  would  be  strange  indeed  if  so  celestial  an  article  as 

4 

Preedom  should  not  be  highly  rated.”—  He  does  not  urge  them  to 
fight,  he  lets  them  hear  him  assure  Lord  Ho?ire  that  the  Americans 
will  maintain  their  independence  against  the  world.  He  does  it  all 
consciously,  and  confides  to  Pranklin,  that  he  feels  the  pleasure  of 
having  done  his  duty,  adding,  "I  feel  that  of  not  having  discredited 
your  friendship  and  patronage.  I live  in  hopes  of  seeing  and  ad- 
vising with  you  respecting  the  History  of  the  American  Revolution, 
as  soon  as  a turn  of  affairs  makes  it  safe  to  take  a passage  for 
Europe . ” 

Pranklin  had  been  in  Prance  since  December  4th  1776,  and  while 
he  was  the  official  minister  to  Prance,  he  used  the  occasion  to  cul- 
tivate a popular  opinion  in  favor  of  American  liberty.  This  gave 
immense  support  to  Paine's  work  at  home,  and  fired,  in  no  small 
measure,  the  courage  of  the  leaders.  In  May  1777,  he  wrote  to 
Samuel  Cooper,  "All  Europe  is  on  our  Side  of  the  Question,  as  far  as 

1 2 

Life,  Vol.  ii,  n.  435.  Writings,  Vol.  iv,  p.  63. 

3 ' 4 

Writings , Vol.  i,  p.  170.  Ibid.  p.  393. 


19 


Applause  and  good  V/ishes  can  carry  them.--  They  read  the  Translations 
of  our  Separate  Colony  Constitutions  with  Rapture;  and  there  are  such 
numbers  everywhere,  who  talk  of  Removing  to  America  with  their  Fam- 
ilies and  Fortunes  as  soon  as  Peace  and  our  Independence  shall  be 
established,  that  ’tis  generally  believed  we  shall  have  a prodigious 
Addition  of  Strength,  V/ealth,  and  Arts  from  the  Emigrations  of 
Europe;  and  'tis  thought,  that,  to  lessen,  or  prevent,  such  Emigra- 
tions, the  Tyrannies  established  there  must  relax,  and  allov/  more 
Liberty  to  their  people.  Hence  'tis  a common  observation  here,  that 

our  Cause  is  the  Cause  of  all  Mankind,  and  that  v/e  are  fighting  for 

2 

their  liberty  in  defending  our  own.' 

Paine  does  not  differ  from  this  when  he  says,  "One  of  the  great 

advantages  of  the  American  Revolution  has  been,  that  it  led  to  a 

discovery  of  the  principles,  and  laid  open  the  impositions  of  gov- 
2 

erniments;”  or  again,  "In  proportion  as  the  independence  of  America 
became  contemplated  and  understood,  the  local  benefits  of  it  to  the 
immediate  actors  and  the  numerous  benefits  it  promised  mankind,  ap- 
peared every  day  to  be  increasing;  and  we  saw  not  a temporary  good 

'5 

for  the  present  race  only,  but  a continued  good  to  all  posterity,"— 
It  was  the  combined  influence  of  Franklin  and  Paine  that  had  pene- 
trated French  thought,  and  made  it  receptive  to  the  Age  of  Reason 
and  the  Rights  of  Ivlan.  In  the  words  of  Paine,  "The  American  consti- 
tutions were  to  liberty,  v/hat  a grammar  is  to  a language;  they  de- 
fine its  parts  of  speech,  and  practically  construct  them  into 
syntax."— 

1 2. 

'Writings / Vol.  vii,  p.  256.  V/ri tings , Vol.  ii,  pp.  410-411. 

Z Ibid.  p.  100.  4 Ibid.  p.  536. 


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i -*■■  - 7^  ^ S'*-  '*'■  ■ '.  . .,^^.7^.;] 

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>‘4 


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Ar'ii 


•wiikatm 


so 


In  1780  Paine  felt  that  he  had  a mission  to  perform  in  Europe, 
and  v/as  anxious  to  go  to  England.  It  seemed  to  him  that  the  time 
was  favorable  for  moving  the  British' mind  in  the  direction  of  peace, 
and  thus  ending  the  war.  On  the  ninth  of  September  he  wrote, ~ "I 
do  not  suppose  that  the  acknowledgment  of  Independence  is  at  this 
time  a more  unpopular  doctrine  in  England  than  the  declaration  of  it 
was  in  America  immediately  before  the  publication  of  the  pamphlet, 
'Common  Sense ' , and  the  gro'und  appears  as  open  for  the  one  now  as  it 
did  for  the  other  then.--  The  simple  point  I mean  to  aim  at  is,  to 
make  the  acknowledgment  of  Independence  a popular  subject,  and  that 
not  by  exposing  and  attacking  their  errors,  but  by  stating  its  ad- 
vantages and  apologizing  for  their  errors  by  way  of  accomodating  the 
measure  to  their  pride." 

This  mission  v/as  not  given  to  Paine,  but  v&ien  Col.  John  Laurens 
was  sent  to  Prance  for  aid,  he  was  reluctant  to  go,  and  would  accept, 
only  on  the  condition  of  Paine's  accompanying  him.  They  sailed  from 
Boston  in  1781  and  met  Franklin  in  llarch.  Paine  and  Franklin  ac- 
complished the  mission,  and  received  a gift  of  six  millions  from  the 
King.  It  is  probable  that  Franklin  dissuaded  Paine  from  going  to 
England,  for  he  returned  with  Col.  Laurens,  with  a "charge  of  up- 
wards of  two  thousand  pounds  sterling."^ 

The  year  1783  brought  Paine  much  relief.  He  felt  that  his  po- 
litical work  v/as  at  an  end,  and  he  could  now  find  leisure  for  his 
v/ork  in  science.  In  taking  his  leave  of  politics,  he  reminded  the 
Americans  that  "we  are  apt  to  be  stunned  by  calmness  when  it  com.es 

1 

Life,  Vol.  i,  pp.  169-170. 

E 

Writings , Vol.  iv,  p.  465. 


i,  *' 

; 

- • I . ' S 

’j;.K  ^r.'  - 

■ . cW  ' O . 

• ‘.  ”1  f ru-  :ji.  * 

1 1 \ . -y  r \ ' -;,  . 


i 


V i.Ti 

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A . 

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21 


too  ins tantly 'upon  us."  "To  — see  it  in  our  power  to  make  a world 

happy--  to  teach  mankind  the  art  of  being  so,"  are  responsibilities 

to  be  regarded  gratefully.  "But  as  the  scenes  of  war  are  closed-- 

I therefore  take  my  leave  of  the  subject.--  And  what  ever  country  I 

may  hereafter  be  in,  I shall  alv/ays  feel  an  honest  pride  at  the  part 

I have  taken  and  acted,  and  a gratitude  to  nature  and  providence  for 

2 

putting  it  in  my  power  to  be  of  some  use  to  mankind.”— 

V/hen  Branklin  returned  to  America  Paine  at  once  resumed  his  in- 
timate relations  with  him  and  Pranklin  wrote  to  him,  "Your  present 

3 

arduous  undertaking,  I easily  conceive  demands  retirement,  and  tho ' 

we  shall  reap  the  fruits  of  it,  I can  not  help  regretting  the  want 

of  your  abilities  here  where  in  the  present  moment,  they  might,  I 

4 

think,  be  successfully  employed.  Parties  still  run  very  high.-- 
Comraon  Sense  would  unite  them.  It  is  to  be  hoped  therefore  it  has 
not  abandoned  us  forever." 

Common  Sense  had  not  abandoned  the  country  in  its  need,  and  in 

1786  Paine  v/rote  his  "Dissertations  on  Governm.ent,  the  Affairs  of 

the  Bank,  and  Paper  Money."  Paine's  interest  in  this  bank  was  deep; 

no  one  had  more  confidence  in  it  than  he,  for  it  had  grov/n  out  of 

his  subscription  of  $500  for  Washington's  Army.  To  repeal  its  char- 

ter-was  to  violate  a contract,  so  the  repeal  had  to  be  submitted  to 

popular  suffrage.  Paine's  pamphlet  succeeded  in  its  personal  appeal 

and  his  ideas  have  been  affimed  in  every  contention  since. 

Paine  returned  once  miore  to  his  bridge,  and  began  a lively  cor- 

5 

respondence  with  Pranklin  asking  him  "to  bestow  a few  thoughts  on 

I 2 

Ibid.  Vol.  i,  p.  371.  Ibid.  p.  376. 

3 4 

His  bridf?:e.  Life,  Vol.  i,  p.  213. 

5 

Ibid.  p.  218. 


* -'^  ••-V>T  VT  XV  .'T  ; 7i/‘»  ■'^‘^•f’’*;  * 'i*-,  4‘ 

. ■ *■  • * ■'  '-7  ■•■  . ‘ ' ■ -W 

k' *t  '*'  >^i;9  ’ c^t?  bi^s 

r.,r,  j- i »«/-.«i  toT''-’ 

f X v-.-'-.Ti.c-  wvS  f.«i»  -s^tv»*».'j, 


k.-:-'  ■ (fir.  i*  ■■■{•)'  'r,-.:^:;  .{*««•  T ,st-^^ 


■t  "vJ 


1 «'t 


<.  ‘."JsiE'  ',"  ^ 'U'/  •,.  X- 

^ 1, ji-  Aa..  ^:o':  e<r  Ow  X» 


<'4/ 


.,  *.  . , V 


'> 


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-'.  rV  ,-.f  . '•*  f y^A  . I :<  I ■■  e ' 


i i:  Tx.  ,•  , ©*^fn 


'.'  L?ar^v|3i?i!;^  * :©A  rt.xr.  r , ■ J ’.:©  X4^/©l» 

;f.  ,•*;..  ..A*f>'-3Sxl  lliiivio"’ 

>49  • ^ ‘ • 


11^.  .?* 


^^v  r.-i.  4^,t,^n  rcU^j:,  ■"  ^ 

' ■ ■'*  '-■  ’ 

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, . \.*4 


^ .fvor  A.ri.r,r  -^*5^«lfi^'*'<i^.r  caag-  rr- 

8S^  ' I ^ ’‘J 


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22 


the  suoject  and  to  commimicate”  any  difficulties  or  douhts  as  to  its 
efficiency.  At  another  time  he  sent  his  models  to  Franklin  with 
these  v/ords,  "The  gentleman,  ivlr.  Hall,  who'  presents  you  with  this 
letter,  has  the  care  of  two  models  for  a bridge,  one  of  wood,  the 
other  of  cast  iron,  which  I have  the  pleasure  of  submitting  to  you, 
as  v;ell  for  the  purpose  of  showing  my  respect  to  you,  as  m.y  patron 
in  this  country,  as  for  the  sake  of  having  your  opinion  and  judg- 
ment thereon.'—  'hlien  he  came  to  Philadelphia,  he  saw  a great  deal  oi 
Franklin,  at  the  "Society  for  Political  Inq^uiries,"  which  met  in 
Franklin's  library. 

In  1787  he  went  to  France,  and  Franklin's  letters  opened  the 

door  for  him,  and  he  v/as  warmly  received.  John  Hall's  Diary  has 

2. 

this  interesting  note,”  "He  is  nav  going  for  England  by  way  of 
France  in  the  French  packet  which  sails  the  25th  inste^nt. — He  told 
me  of  the  Committee's  proceedings  on  Bridges  and  Sewers;  anecdotes 
of  Dr.  Franklin  who  had  sent  a letter  by  him  to  the  president  or 
some  one  to  communicate  to  the  Society  of  Civil  Architects,  who  su- 
perintended solely  over  bridges  in  France. — The  Doctor  --  considers 
Mr.  Paine  as  his  adopted  political  Son.--  He  told  me  many  anecdotes 
of  the  Doctor,  relating  to  national  and  political  concerns,  and 
observations  of  many  aged  and  sensible  men  of  his  acquaintance  in 
that  country." 

V(hen  Paine  reached  France  he  v/rote  to  Franklin,  "It  must  have 
been  a very  strong  attachm.ent  that  drew  you  from  this  country  for 

rr 

your  friends  are  very  numerous  and  very  affectionate." 

1 

Ibid. 

2 

Quoted  in  Life,  Vol.  ii,  p.  468. 

^t'ri tings,  Vol. 


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-O’’  J:!:  ia» 


25 


Paine,  like  Franklin,  was  a Feist,  and  like  him  too,  he  was 
tolerant  of  all  heliefs.  He  declared  his  belief  thus:—  ”I  believe 
in  one  God,  and  no  more;  and  I hope  for  happiness  beyond  this  life. 
--I  believe  the  equality  of  ma^n,  and  I believe  that  religious  duties 
consist  in  doing  justice,  loving  mercy,  and  endeavoring  to  make  our 
fellovz-creatures  happy.--  I do  not  mean  by  this  declaration  to  con- 
demn those  who  believe  otherv/ise.  Infidelity  does  not  consist  in 
believing,  or  in  disbelieving;  it  consists  in  professing  to  believe 
what  he  does  not  believe.”  His  _.”religion  of  humanity”  admitted  no 
infringement  on  the  rights  of  man.  The  whole  moral  dut^/  of  man 
seemed  to  him  to  consist  in  imitating  the  goodness  that  God  mani- 
fested to  his  creatures.  Every  act  of  persecution  and  revenge, 
every  act  of  cruelty  to  man  or  animal  is  a violation  of  the  moral 
law.  His  kinship  v/ith  Franklin  extended  beyond  their  political  re- 
lations. He  shared,  as  Priestley  did,  Franklin’s  keen  interest  in 
science  as  well  as  his  unfaltering  pursuit  of  the  greatest  happiness 
of  man.  His  optimism  v\/as  tinged  with  Franklin's  unlimited  hope,  and 
he  realized  his  future  as  soon  as  he  conceived  it.  The  common  sense 
philosophy  of  Paine  was  perceived  by  Franklin  to  be  so  like  his  own, 
that  he  was  able  to  direct  it  into  the  most  productive  channels,  and 
the  eloquence  of  Paine  in  the  French  Hevolution  fell  on  ears  that 
recognized  the  echo  of  Franklin's  voice  in  the  revolution  in 
America,  and  Paine  generously,  acknowledged  Franklin's  influence  in 
his  Eights  of  Ivlan . There  v/as  nothing  of  mysticism  in  the  philosoph- 
ical theory  of  Paine,  as  there  was  none  in  that  of  Franklin.  They 
loved  their  fellov/  men,  upheld  their  rights,  and,  though  hedged 

I 

'writings , Vol.  iv,  pp.  21-22. 


n 


*■'7  .1 


I 


■rj 


«# 


• . ' 


■ “'  . r*  ; «K 

iio' >c^ri 


. ;.cv  -.•: 


». 

,Nf  j'  '.r-. 
f ' • • - Vjr  » 

.:.,y.-3 


i!  :^i  - 


; rt 


,-:r 


j'  , 1 

^ ^ • ?-  ^ 

■••  M 

I 

-i ; *i  e ria^ 

f 4s 

A ' 0" 


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'.,.  at"*-,:.. 


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. 

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PA 


about  by  criticism  from  tlieir  orthodox  contemporaries,  they  looked, 
with  a sublim.e  faith,  for  a sphere  of  usefulness  in  the  W'orld  to 
come.  'vVhen  franklin’s  enfeebled  life  ?/as  drawing  to  a close,  he 
made  a plea  for  the  emancipation  of  the  negro  and  abolition  of  the 
slave  trade.  By  a singular  coincidence,  Paine  at  the  same  time  was 
interested  in  the  same  question,  and  looked  to  America  for  its  so- 
lution. "I  wish  most  anxiously  to  see  my  much  loved  America..  It 
is  the  country  from  v/hence  all  reformation  must  originally  spring. 

I despair  of  seeing  the  abolition  of  the  infernal  trade  in  negroes. 
We  miust  push  that  matter  further  on  your  side  of  the  v/ater.  I v;ish 
that  a few  well  instructed  could  be  sent  among  their  bretZaren  in 

bondage;  for  until  they  are  able  to  take  their  own  part  nothing  v/ill 
1 

be  done.”"" 

Paine’s  estimate  of  franklin  is  simple  and  sincere:  ”His  mind 

7/as  ever  young;  his  temper  ever  serene;  science  that  never  grows 

gray  v/as  always  his  m.istress.  He  was  never  without  an  ob.j ect . --His 

life  v/as  devoted  to  the  good  and  im.provement  of  man.  Let,  then, 

✓* 

those  v/ho  profess  a different  creed,  imitate  his  virtues,  and  excel 

2 

him  if  they  can.” 


— Vol.i,P«  271. 

— Writlnp:s,  Vol.  iv,  pp.  128  et  427. 


I 


■ V 


i...  * 


- *•■  » . « - 


•>  T r .:  , ^ V ■ . Z"  ' ’ ' '*’•  I 

wi- to  4*- , ;/jfe- i 

* , ■.  ■,  . • ■'  ' • . . ' p V*'  a 


Ot-'  , ■ ffT  _ 3r<sr/ ' ot.ii  ■ 

&tJ  tiiXl  "'‘an-j. 


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f; , ,( - &xx  I -K  j' a.  -:  r - «>'■-  . 0 ^ 5;'^  ^0  i '' zXfe 

-0^  '-it  I tod.  3 ox  te -/I  oil  &/.  •??X 


K ..  . .^  . . . ,..-  _ ,■  ' 

,f.S:X'' M.:K^.ri  ■ 'ti^lnro- 4-*-“'  ■ ^ t i^'*- ...4..ii<j-X^tl  .'-* 

^ r •• ..  *.  ^ lS  >?•  -rM'Xl'  lZ<>€f  M ,^J  ' xj1^'€  XQ  ‘X^%f^k 


.'i^: 


' ; 7 


,jfF:-r 

Ic*  '‘‘.’^'  i!  -i- 0*^  Ilk  T-^i-UaMrt  ^ 

- - , ' , - ' • ' ' 'W'.  „.  ' ■,J*'‘V  . 

’t*-:.:  -<a^6;'*i  Jx.oii  tXx/Ao  'Mfik 

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r*i  r *1 

l-k*  ^ k-\ 


• j .n CT  ■>  ? •■> t , a 'it^V’ei-  W/1:j'  ' 

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ri *■--_.  'vO^ki  ••«* ’V  . •aaotwXihx. 

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to  ^AsoirttSar'  itt:'- fciTj  ij#  ^.'  .•9^‘pvV,t.  p:(j#- 'SSfjti' 

■ ' ■ ' ■/.>  ■'  . .'  ' 


25 


III. 

FHAIJXLII'T  AHD  DH.  PH  ICE. 

There  is  something  in  the  story  of  Hichard  Price's  changing  the 
"pure  atmosphere  of  Wales  for  the  putrescent  vapors  of  London,"  that 
recalls  the  circumstance  in  the  life  of  Franklin  when  he  went  out 
into  the  v/orld  to  seek  his  fortune.  Price's  father,  a Dissenter 
with  narrow  prejudices,  could  not  endure  his  son's  hroad  and  toler- 
ant religious  views,  and  cut  him  off  from  any  share  in  his  inherit- 
ance. This  only  strengthened  the  boy's  determination  to  become  a 
minister  after  his  own  convictions.  "Having  no  conveyance,  he  had 
recourse  to  his  brother,  the  heir  of  his  father's  fortune,  who  sup- 
plied him  with  a horse  to  carry  himself  and  a servant  as  far  as 
Cardiff,  a distance  of  twenty  miles,  from  wdiere  he  v/as  left  to 
trudge  on  foot  with  his  bundle  in  his  hand  to  Bristol  a further  dis- 
tance of  forty  miles.  But  luckily  for  him,  a good-natured  lady, 
seeing  a youth  in  this  forlorn  condition,  walking  over  rough  and 
dirty  roads,  took  him  into  her  carriage  part  of  the  v/ay,  and  so  far 
relieved,  him  of  his  fatigue  and  sorrov/.  From  Bristol  he  set  off  in 
a conveyance,  which  to  the  best  of  my  recollection  he  told  me  was  no 
other  than  a broad-wheeled  waggon."— 

Arrived  in  London,  Price  received  scant  encouragement  from  his 
uncle,  a rigid  Calvinist,  v/ho  disliked  the  boy  for  his  candid  benev- 
olent opinions,  and  sav;  no  prospect  of  his  success,  "notwithstanding 
the  excellence  of  his  moral  conduct."  This  uncle  resented  the  boy's 
"daring  to  think  for  himself,"  and  vvhen  Price  became  a Unitarian  min- 

1 

:.:ernoirs  of  the  Life  of  Hichard  Price,  D.  D.  London,  1815,  pp.  8-9. 


A 


26 


is  ter,  he  is  said  to  have  exclaimed  that  ’'he  had  rather  see  him 
transformed  into  a pig,  than  that  he  should  have  been  brought  up  to 
be  a dissenting  minister  fathout  believing  in  -the  Trinity.” 

Price's  first  appointment  was  at  Stoke  Nev/ington,  v/here  he 
preached  in  various  pulpits,  particularly  at  Pr.  Chandler's  in  the 
Old  Jewry.  Here  he  drev/  around  him  a small  but  devoted  group  of  ra- 
tional thinkers,  and  in  1756  he  was  invited  to  become  the  morning 
preacher  at  Hewington  Green.  His  work  absorbed  him  so  completely, 
that  he  "lamented  as  a trifling  waste  of  time,  the  few  hours  he 
spent  in  the  study  of  mathematics  and  philosophy,  and  even  in  the 
hamless  relaxation  of  visiting  his  friends."— 

He  made  an  exception,  however,  in  the  case  of  Pr.  Pranklin, 
whose  friendship  he  had  gained  through  his  relations  ¥/ith  John 
Canton,  Pr.  Andrew  Kippis,  and  a small  select  group  of  philosophic 
members  of  the  Royal  Society.  Price  had  contributed  some  miathemat- 
ical  papers  to  the  Society,  and  in  1760  he  ?/rote  a Pissertation  on 
Miracles . He  read  this  article  to  his  little  group  of  intimates  and 
published  it  with  their  approval.  The  following  year  he  undertook 
to  determine  "from  the  number  of  times  in  which  an  unknovai  event  has 
happened  and  failed,  the  chance  that  the  probability  of  its  happen- 
ing in  a single  trial  lies  somewhere  between  any  tv/o  degrees  of 

2 

probability  that  can  be  nam.ed . This  was  sent  to  Franklin,  who  had 
returned  to  America,  and  Franklin  had  it  published  in  the  Transac- 
tions of  the  American  Philosophical  Society  in  1765. 


1 

Ibid.  p.  20. 

2 

Ibid.  p.  21. 


1 


■ I’ 


1 r.i  . 


27 

The  next  year  Franklin  was  in  England,  representing  the  colonies 
in  the  Stamp  Act  dispute,  and  now  was  organized  the  "delightful  Club" 
which  met  first  at  a coffee-house  in  St.  Paul's  Churchyard,  but 
"v/hose  meetings  v/ere  afterward  moved  to  the  London  Coffee-house  Lud- 
gate  Hill.””  Dr.  Price  used  to  set  apart  certain  evenings  in  each 
week  to  meet  Franklin  and  the  other  philosophical  gentlemen  there, 
and  from  these  meetings  dates  his  interest  in  national  finances, 
population,  and  other  political  q.uestions,  that  had  been  Franklin's 
problems  since  the  early  days  of  Poor  Richard. 

In  1751  Franklin  had  published  some  Observations  on  the  Increase 
of  Iv-ankind  and  the  Peopling  of  Countries . He  turned  these  over  to 
Price  together  v/ith  some  statistics  that  he  had  gathered  since  their 
publication,  and  in  1769  Price  addressed  to  him.  his  "Observations  on 
the  Expectation  of  Lives--  the  Increase  of  Mankind--and  the  Popula- 
tion of  London,  ” v/hich  v/ere  published  in  the  Philosophical  Transac- 
tions of  that  year.  Franklin  gathered  data  from  every  source  for 
Lr.  Price's  v/ork  on  Annuities , and  v/hen  he  made  his  trip  on  the  con- 
tinent he  found  much  that  v/as  useful  to  his  friend,  and  gave  it 
2 

generously He  enlisted  the  services  of  William  Franklin  in  gath- 
ering accounts  from,  the  colonies,  which  he  said  were  agreeable  to 
him,  "but  particularly  to  Lr.  Price." 

The  breaking  out  of  the  American  War  brought  Franklin  and 
Price  into  the  warmest  kind  of  sympathy.  Price  was  a profound  hu- 
manitarian as  well  as  a thrifty  economist,  and  he  was  opposed  to  v/ar 
as  Franklin  was,  on  every  ground.  I'vhen,  in  the  v.^inter  of  1775,  he 
sav;  that  England  was  determined  to  repair  her  dilapidated  finances 

r 1 3 

Ibid.  p.  48.  See  Writings , Yol.  v,  p.  406.  Ibid.  Vol.  vi,p.32. 


^ ^ s. 


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28 


oy  a direct  attack  on  the  civil  liberties  of  the  colonists,  he  threv/ 
himself  into  the  struggle  with  genuine  sympathy.  V/hile  Franklin  was 
bending  every  effort  to  save  the  beautiful  vase  from  being  shattered, 
Dr.  Price  undertook  to  correct  the  general  notions  of  liberty,  and 
at  the  same  time  endeavored  to  promote  a thorough  knowledge  of  the 
rights  which  the  colonists  claimed. 

Franklin  was  most  anxious  that  this  be  done.  He  had  returned 
to  America  in  May,  and  found  the  temper  of  the  Americans  bent  on  re- 
sistance. His  letters  to  his  British  friends,  show  how  important  he 
considered  it  to  have  British  public  opinion  converted  to  the  colo- 
nial point  of  view.  In  October  he  wrote,  "Tell  our  dear  good  friend 
(Dr.  Price)  that  America  is  determined  and  unanimous--  Britain  at 
the  expense  of  three  millions  has  killed  one  hundred  and  fifty  Yan- 
kees this  campaign,  which  is  twenty-thousand  pounds  a head;  and  at 
Bunker's  Hill  she  gained  a mile  of  ground,  half  of  which  she  lost 
again  by  our  taking  a post  on  Ploughed  Hill.  During  the  same  time 
sixty  thousand  children  have  been  born  in  America.  From  these  data 
his  mathematical  head  will  easily  calculate  the  time  and  expense 
necessary  to  kill  us  all,  and  conquer  the  whole  territory."— 

To  another  friend  he  wrote,  "I  am  persuaded  that  the  body  of 

the  British  people  are  our  friends;  but  they  are  changeable,  and  by 

2 

your  lying  gazettes  may  soon  be  made  our  enemies."—  Franklin  knew 
that  the  voice  of  the  English  would  soon  be  heard  in  relation  to  the 
American  question.  The  colonies  were  contending  for  a principle, 
and  it  v/as  absolutely  necessary  to  get  the  colonial  propaganda 
1 

Ibid.  pp.  429-430. 

2 

Ibid.  p.  431. 


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abroad,  if  the  civil  liberties  of  the  Americans  were  to  be  made  se- 
cure. With  unerring  instinct  for  recognizing  the  capabilities  of 
individual  men,  he  saw  that  Dr.  Price's  service  to  liberty,  was  to 
promote  a more  correct  general  knowledge  of  the  American  controversy 
What  Common  Sense  did  in  America,  Price's  Observations  on  the  Ameri- 
can War  accomplished  in  England . Behind  these  pamphlets  v/as  the  mind 
of  Franklin,  creating  a new  current  of  thought  in  the  direction  of 
the  rights  of  man. 

Price's  pamphlet  was  so  eagerly  and  so  universally  read,  that 
the  press  could  not  supply  the  demands  for  it.  In  the  course  of  a 
fev/  days  several  thousands  were  sold;  and  such  was  the  rapid  pro- 
gress of  the  impression  which  it  made,  and  of  the  admiration  which 
it  excited,  that  the  friends  of  the  Americans  thought  that  they 

could  not  better  serve  the  cause  than  by  extending  the  sale  of  it  to 

1 

all  ranks  of  society."—  With  generous  zeal  for  liberty  Dr.  Price 
sacrificed  all  private  emolument  that  might  have  come  to  him,  and 
at  the  same  time  endured  with  heroic  nobility  all  the  "rancorous 
abuse  which  he  received  from  the  advocates  of  American  subjection.” 

By  this  time  the  Parliament  regarded  the  colonies  as  rebels, 
and  all  communication  and  direct  intercourse  with  them  was  cut  off. 
Franklin  was  sent  to  France,  and  was  thus  able  to  transmit  to  Price 
letters  and  information  v/hich  would  not,  otherwise,  have  reached 
England.  Price  said  that  he  had  "become  so  marked  and  obnoxious” 
that  he  did  not  think  it  prudent  to  correspond  with  any  one,  and 
caution  prevented  him  from  writing  to  Franklin,  but  he  said  that  in- 
formation regarding  the  American  situation  would  be  most  acceptable. 


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30 


and  that  "there  was  less  danger  in  receiving  than  in  sending  ac- 
counts . 

J’ranklin  was  the  channel  through  v/hich  the  information  came.  In 
a letter  to  John  Winthrop  he  said,  "I  forv/arded  your  letter  to  Dr. 
Price,  v/ho  was  well  lately;  out  his  Friends  on  his  Acct.,  were  under 
some  apprehensions  from  the  Violence  of  the  Government,  in  conse- 
quence of  his  late  excellent  Publications  in  favor  of  Liberty.  I 

wish  all  the  Friends  of  liberty  and  of  Man  would  quit  that  Sink  of 

2 

Corruption  and  leave  it  to  its  Fate."—  Franklin  continued  to  supply 
the  material,  and  Price  issued  a second  pamphlet  with  some  addi- 
tional observations  on  the  nature  and  valne  of  civil  liberty,  on  the 
war  with  America,  and  following  Franklin's  hints  to  his  "mathemat- 
ical head,"  on  the  debts  and  resources  of  Great  Britain. 

Franklin  sent,  for  use  in  this  pamphlet,  a report  of  the  fi- 
nances of  M.  Turgot's  administration,  and  out  of  this  began  M. 
Turgot's  correspondence  vyith  Price.  At  the  sam.e  time  Franklin's  re- 
port of  the  persecutions  that  threatened  Price,  brought  him  an  in- 
vitation to  accept  citizenship  from  the  United  States.  Franklin, 
Lee,  and  Adams  ga.ve  him  the  invitation  together  with  a request  for 
his  services  in  assisting  "to  regulate  the  finances,"  and  an  offer  to 
provide  generously  for  these  services.  They  even  added  a promise  of 
"every  assistance  in  our  power  to  make  your  passage  agreeable,  as 
well  as  your  reception  and  accommodation  in  our  country."— 

Price  declined  this  offer,  and  set  about  to  warn  England  of  the 
dangers  which  the  grov/ing  luxury  of  the  rich  and  the  increasing  bur- 
den of  the  poor  v/ere  threatening.  Ee  was  one  with  Franklin  in  the 
belief  that  moderation  and  justice  are  the  safeguards  of  liberty. 

I 2 

Ibid.  p.  65.  Writings , Vol.  vii,  p.  57. 

- Hichard  Price , D.D.,  p.  77. 


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31 


By  1782  British  public  opinion  had  changed  so  notably  that  the  old 
ministers  resigned,  and  the  new  ministers  set  about  at  once  to  con- 
ciliate America.  Franklin  immediately  v/rote  to  Price,  congratu- 
late you  on  the  late  revolution  in  your  public  affairs.--  The  change, 
however,  in  the  sentiments  of  the  nation,  in  which  I see  evident  ef- 
fects of  your  writings--  should  encourage  you  to  proceed. 

The  Ancient  Roman  and  Greek  orators  could  only  speak  to  the 
number  of  citizens  capable  of  being  assembled  within  the  reach  of 
their  voice, — Row  by  the  press  we  can  speak  to  nations;  and  good 
books  and  well  written  pamphlets  have  great  and  general  influence. 

The  facility,  with  which  the  same  truths  may  be  repeatedly  enforced 
by  placing  them  daily  in  different  lights  in  newspapers , which  are 

everywhere  read,  gives  a great  chance  of  establishing  them.  --  I 

1 

suppose  we  may  now  correspond  v/i  th  more  freedom.” 

'jVhen  the  struggle  was  ended,  and  peace  restored  Price  v/rote  an 

Advice  to  the  People  of  America , v/hich  he  published  and  distributed 

to  them  at  his  ov/n  expense.  To  it  was  appended  a letter  of  If. 

Turgot’s,  which  v/as  inserted  at  the  wish  of  Franklin,  who  obtained 

the  necessary  permission  to  use  it.  He  also  procured  for  him,  some 

reports  on  the  "immense  powers  of  compound  interest,"  and  a nev/  v/ork 

2 

on  the  Finances  of  France ♦ 

when  Franklin  was  called  back  to  America,  he  had  to  leave  with- 
out seeing  the  "good  Doctor,"  It  was  a great  disappointment,  for  he 
had  labored  "for  Peace  v/ith  more  Earnestness  to  be  happy"  in  the 
"sweet  society"  of  the  good  souls  at  the  London,  who  had  escaped  the 
contagion  of  a "perverse  generation."  Their  correspondence  v/as  kept 

1 

V/ritinp:s,  Vol.  viii,  p.  457. 

2 

Ibid.  Yol.  ix,  p.  286. 


0 V 


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32 


up,  and  Price  sent  liira  a copy  of  the  Sermons , v/hich  v/ere  written  as 
soon  as  the  cessation  of  the  war  gave  him  leisure  for  his  religious 
writings . 

Franklin  and  Price  were  one  in  religion,  and  Franklin  liked  to 
take  his  friends  to  Newington  Green,  when  Price  occupied  the  pulpit. 
In  1772  he  took  Sir  John  Pringle  to  hear  this  preacher  of  "rational 
Christianity,"  and  frequently  heard  other  preachers  of  the  kind,  on 
Price’s  recommendation. 

Price,  like  Franklin,  was  devoted  to  the  practice  of  virtue. 

To  improve  himself  and  others  v/as  the  great  guiding  principle  of  his 
life.  He  opposed  tyranny  and  usurpation,  just  as  Franklin  did,  be- 
cause they  bred  corruption,  and  hence  opposed  virtue.  He,  too,  con- 
demned no  man  for  want  or  excess  of  faith,  and  like  Franklin  he  pre- 
ferred the  honest,  though  mistaken  opinions  of  a humble  mind  to  the 
soundest  orthodoxy  when  joined  lYith  conceit  and  bigotry. 

Franklin's  Puritanism,  rejoiced  in  the  conscientious  candor  of 
Dr.  Price,  and  it  was  to  him,  in  preference  to  all  his  optim.istic 
friends  that  he  sent  his  memoirs,  desiring  him  to  read  it  critically, 
and  to  give  his  candid  opinion  as  to  whether  it  had  best  be  published 
or  suppressed.  Y/hen  the  tow'n  of  Franklin  \¥anted  to  honor  the  philos- 
opher by  erecting  a steeple  to  his  memory,  if  he  would  furnish  the 
bell,  he  wrote  to  Dr.  Price,  "I  have  advis'd  the  sparing  themselves 
the  Expense  of  a steeple,  for  the  present,  and  that  they  would  ac- 
cept of  Books  instead  of  a Bell,  Sense  being  preferable  to  Sound."  — 
He  then  requested  Price  to  select  books,  "to  the  value  of  about 
Tv/enty-five  Pounds,  such  as  are  proper  to  inculcate  Principles 

1 

Ibid.  Vol.  ix,  p.  500. 


Kmi  • ' 'y  * 

aiit  '^0  2 -^'‘v  2q  ctxu^t  ^ isop^' 

>-  pT  ■ ' . - _ , - • ' 


. i 


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■ ■•  ■ <■ 


I 


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»i 


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'\  • - « (l^^M'',  4fc ' ■"*  , y • jr  ^ 

hr  %.  y&i  * i4i.s.  * v:-*  'i.'  4 : tetotfic  '■  vj5^t#ari  • 

'■  , ; ■ ■■  " . • ; .V  '-^ 


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I ^'r,'  L’,.;:i;... . «V1'I  bts;.  ■ ^..'j,,  (>-iri  •;-v'%  *iif‘.34.^“  t-ess  ^ 


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T - aji«:  lii'iip  ,::i:/  XX, A ^ . iSri  ,cUu'c.  ant  ;X''  tun  *'p^ 

. j.  . ’•  ' _i  , 

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A 


^ - •JCOn:'  oX:  l;c»:  mc^  *c«do»t5n-^^0v 

> ^’.  -i,  / ■ ” '■  ■•?'?■  TE-’''^'-®^^J 

^ Ajgl^OT  0 , ••'•xoKOt-  "fx:  or  ^XJe'ow 

£.V«Xwt  ,'i'3i%.iq(B  |)jfJ  V'  «:’‘wSl  X'*  X^e'i"5  _*-sS  »X01S«W9if,  pSCo'rf 

«'"'  ' ' ■ ' ■■  ■■  ' ' W '■■*■  ' „!, 


-ui  ' 'X  i.'^vf:  ,’\£roe^ . & xo' 

niE^ ♦ijfe^olar'^  f - taxi  siir.^c  ^jU^u  a lo  loXX^cP,:; 

■ f4'  • *^  ' ■*  ’ ( 

V,*.t  , *-i-^X>CX  v 'JeXoS  Oif  ‘fiOtT  ',  f 

. ■ .,'■  : ^ '■'  '-■  ' ' ’ ,^  % ' ^ 

• rJ^X  i&qo  1C-  rfxwR  ,34^ftP’ol^'S7t'i.-"^;>os«-T' 

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S3 


of  sound  Religion  and  .just  Government.”  He  made  the  further  sugges- 
tion, ’’Besides  your  ovm  V/orks,  I would  only  mention,  on  the  Recom- 
mendation of  my  sister,  ’’Stennet’s  Discourses  on  Personal  Religion” , 

2 

v/hich  may  he  one  hook  of  the  Humher,  if  you  Imow  and  approve  of  it.” 
That  Dr.  Price  complied  with  his  req^uest  and  suggestion  is  another 
evidence  of  the  perfect  understanding  between  these  two  men. 

There  can  he  no  douht  that  the  friendship  between  these  two  . 
apostles  of  liberty  had  a prodigious  influence  for  good  on  civilized 
mankind;  nor  can  it  he  doubted  that  the  versatility,  firmness,  and 
tact  of  Pranklin  was  in  a large  measure  responsible  for  the  converts 
to  radicalism  made  by  the  writings  of  Dr.  Price. 


Ibid. 


ll 


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f^i. 

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_ .._  ^ ^ '*i_ 


34 


IV. 

FRiUKLIU  AND  PRIESTLEY, 

Pranklin's  Autobiography  ended  with  the  year  1757  and  does  not 
contain  any  mention  of  his  friendship  vi^ith  Dr.  Priestley.  His  let- 
ters to  Priestley  extend  over  the  period  from  1772  to  1786,  and  show 
that  these  tv/o  philosophers  were  united  by  a variety  of  interests. 

"Their  acquaintance  began  in  1766.  Priestley  i7rote  to  his  friend  Mr. 
Rotheram,—  ”I  have  lately  been  in  London,  and  formed  a most  agree- 
able acquaintance  with  Dr.  Pranklin,  Mr.  Cs.nton,  Dr.  Watson,  and 
other  philosophers  and  electricians.  I have  been  engaged  by  them  to 
write  a Treatise  on  Electricity,  in  which  I shall  give  a full  his- 
tory of  all  the  discoveries,  in  the  order  of  time  in  which  they  were 
made.  I have  made  three  or  four  new  experiments  myself,  of  which 
you  will  probably  see  an  account  in  the  'Philosophical  Transac tions ♦ ' 
I do  not  recollect  whether  you  had  a taste  for  these  subjects.  I am 
enthusiastically  fond  of  them,  particularly  since  I got  a little  ap- 
paratus of  my  own,  which  I had  a year  or  t7/o  before  I came  to 
V'/arrington. " 

These  experiments  took  up  much  of  his  leisure  time,  as  five 
hours  of  every  day  were  employed  in  public  or  private  lectures,  and 
he  spent  a two  months'  vacation  with  his  father-in-law  a-t  Bristol. 

He  v;orked  rapidly,  perhaps  hastily,  although  the  v/ork  was  v/ell  re- 
ceived, a.nd  v/ithin  a year  from  the  time  he  made  the  plan  of  his  work, 
he  sent  a copy  of  his  "History  of  Electricity"  to  Pranklin  in  print. 
During  the  course  of  his  electrical  experiments,  he  kept  up  a con- 
stant correspondence  v/ith  Eranklin;  a corres,pondence  v/hich  he  says, 

"Memoirs  of  Dr.  Priestley;"  Ed.  by  Rutt,  London  1831 . Vol . I , pt . i , p56 


■i . lit  -■  * ,r  mK 


. , ."  , wV'Wvr*!  ?•:•* -»m  %;ii? 

K • - ^ ^ .»  *■  ..  ‘ m 


t 

\ 


*:  ‘-V 


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'-fw*  V •K':--‘  r*^  * . '‘.  I'l'-  '^c^V'^' Kjp  b-c3Sai4e’ps'*»* 

T - . * ^ fHi 


I CM 


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,,.-  ■'  ^\>  '.:t  w.v^.  xi'  - X*  ^ 53 

. v’‘'\  ^ .'*'  ’^■.  '''*'.  'V  r 

I I 


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’■■X't<>  u-r*  i?9iji  ,r:i Usiif  e,‘-i  3i|-n 

^ '--  ■ ...:r'  ..•-'•'**•■  ! i,zi  - - 57 

*;'.:  -s  fi/,'.  ‘.c  fcJt..'  to  *'* 

■.:’.;  /.'■  ■ ■--  : 


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35 


n 

"would  have  made  a oonsiderahle  volume,  and  took  up  much  tj.me.  — 

In  1769  Dr.  Priestley  published  his  "Chart  of  P^istory”  \vith 

♦this  dedication,  "lo  Benjamin  Pranklin  I.  L.  D.,  P.  H.  S.  this  chart 

is,  in  testim.ony  of  esteem  and  friendship,  inscribed  by  his  most 

2 

obliged  humble  servant,  Joseph  Priestley. This  had  been  preceded 
by  a "Chart  of  Biogra^hiy,  " v/hich  procured  for  him  the  title  of 
"Doctor  of  Lav/s"  from  the  University  of  Edinburgh.  His  ex]Deriments 
in  electricity  brought  him  to  the  notice  of  the  Hoj-al  Society,  to 
which  he  was  recommended  hj  Dr.  Pranklin,  Ur.  Canton,  Dr.  V/atson, 
and  Dr.  Price. 

He  wrote  to  Dr.  Price  at  this  time,  "I  shall  write  out  a full 
account  of  the  new  exxjeriments  I have  mentioned  to  Dr.  Pranklin  and 
Mr.  Canton  after  a week  or  two,  in  v/hich  I shall  have  made  other 
experiments  which  have  a connexion  with  them.  In  the  m.eantime  m^/' 
friends  here  think  it  v/ill  be  best  to  mention  them  to  some  of  the 
principal' members , and  to  read  the  full  account  of  them  to  the  So- 
ciety about  the  time  of  election;  but  I beg  of  you,  dear  Sir,  and 

Mr.  Canton,  not  to  have  me  proposed  at  all,  (if  it  be  not  done,) 

(3 

unless  you  be  morally  certain  it  v/ill  be  carried.""  Dr.  Priestley 
felt  sure  that  the  Hoyal  Society  v/as  too  Anglican  to  admit  a Dis- 
senter without  opposition,  and  Pranklin  met  the  expected  opposition 

v/hen  he  tried  to  get  the  Copley  Medal  from  the  Society  for  Dr. 

4 

Priestley.  He  v/rote  to  Canton,“"Af ter  the  Society  was  gone,  my  Lord 
Moreton  said  (v/hen  I offered  him  the  paper)  that  it  ought  to  have 
been  deliver'd  before  and  read  to  the  Society;  he  desired  me  to  pro- 
duce it  to  the  Council.  There  the  reading  of  it  v/as  opposed  as  not 

I 2 

Ibid.  p.  57.  Works,  Vol.  XXTV , p.  477. 

— 4 

..orks , Yol.  I,  part  i,  p.  58.  — V/ri tings , Ed.  by  Smyth,  LLacmillan 

Sc  Co.  Hew  York,  1907, Yol. V,pp. 69-71. 


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.V  6 

"being  referr'd  to  them  "by  the  Society.  But  this  was  at  last  got 
over,  "by  hr.  ivioreton's  proposing  that  the  giving  a ivledal  to  I)r. 
Priestley  should  be  taken  into  consideration,  and  that  in  order  to 
judge  the  better  of  the  Propriety  of  the  proposal,  the  paper  should 
be  read.  I was  then  desired  as  the  best  Judge  present  to  give  my 
Opinion  of  the  Merit  of  the  Experiments  as  to  the  Medal;  v/hich  I did 
in  plain  Terms,  declaring  it  as  my  judgment  that  the  great  Pains  and 
Expense  the  Doctor  had  been  at  in  making  them  and  the  Importance  of 
the  Experiments  themselves,  well  deserved  that  Encouragement  from 
the  Society;  and  that  it  was  a Mark  of  Distinction  justly  due  to  so 
much  philosophical  Industry  and  Sagacity."  Here  followed  an  account 
of  the  discussion  that  followed  Franklin's  remarks,  and  he  concludes, 
"Thus  the  Business  ended  for  that  time;  and  how  it  will  conclude  at 
last  seems  an  Uncertainty,  for  I think  some  Persons  are  busy  in  Op- 
position to  the  Measure.  But  I hope  it  will  end  in  favour  of  Merit, 
in  which  case  I think  our  Friend  cannot  m.iss  it." 

Franklin  not  only  recommended  Priestley  "to  favour,"  but  he 

helped  him  to  get  his  books  abroad.  Dr.  Priestley  consulted  him  at 

every  turn  and  gratefully  acknowledged  his  obligations.  vVhen  he  was 

making  his  experiments  on  "Fixed  Air,"  Franklin  v/as  intensely  inter- 

1 

ested  and  wrote  from  Paris,  "I  rejoice  to  hear  of  yoLir  continual 
Progress  in  those  useful  discoveries;  I find  that  you  have  set  all 
the  Philosophers  of  Europe  at  Work  upon  Fixed  Air;  and  it  is  with 
great  Pleasure  I observe  hov/  high  you  stand  in  their  Opinion;  for  I 
enjoy  my  Friends’  fame  as  my  own," 


1 

Writings,  Vol.  VII,  p.  18. 


’ -KO' 


^ 4 ; ' ^ • i fi* * ‘X  ■'*  >.* 

fLv}  .!  -i..i4'  Jfet‘  ,*fti#4M^^jO[>‘.*  Jte-'».  :rl  r-ti^t^^^i'^pfcjia  '|.»-«JC^ 


'.  .M  ‘-^4  1^  n.'.,f,  tr^t 

,i|,  ,..  '■  , ■ ’L  ■'■  ■ : ” 

^ o:'.-f  ,^t  -.^i^  A^'dS-veiCt  l^'"ml^rn 


, r-l 


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37 


It'  v/as  a request  from  Priestley  that  brought  out  Franklin’s 
"moral  algebra."—  "In  the  Affair  of  so  much  importance  to  you  where- 
in you  ask  my  Advice,  I can  not  for  want  of  sufficient  prem.ises 
advise  you  what  to  determine,  but  if  you  please  I will  tell  you  how. 
V/hen  those  difficult  Gases  occur,  they  are  difficult  chiefly  because 
while  we  have  them  under  consideration,  all  the  reasons  pro  and  con 
are  not  present  to  the  Mind  at  the  same  time;  but  sometimes  one  Set 
present  themselves,  and  at  other  times  another,  the  first  being  out 
of  sight.  Hence  the  various  purposes  or  Inclinations  that  alter- 
nately prevail,  and  the  Uncertainty  that  perplexes  us.  To  get  over 
this,  my  Way  is,  to  divide  half  a sheet  of  Paper  by  a line  into  two 
Columns;  Vs/riting  over  one  Pro  and  over  the  other  Con.  Then  during 
three  or  four  days’  consideration,  I put  dovm  under  the  different 
Heads  short  Hints  of  the  different  Motives,  that  at  different  Times 
occur  to  me,  for  or  against  the  Measure.  V.h.en  I have  thus  got  them 
all  together  in  one  view,  I endeavor  to  estimate  their  respective 
Weights;  and  where  I find  two,  one  on  each  side,  that  seen  equal,  I 
strike  them  both  out.  If  I find  a Reason  pro  equal  to  some  two 
Reasons  con,  I strike  out  three.  If  I judge  some  two  Reasons  con 
equal  to  some  three  Reasons  pro , I strike  out  the  five;  and  thus 
proceeding  I find  at  length  where  the  Ballance  lies;  and  if  after  a 
Day  or  two  of  farther  Consideration,  nothing  new  of  Importance  oc- 
curs on  either  side,  I comie  to  a Determination  accordingly.  And, 
tho  ’ the  Weight  of  Reasons  cannot  be  taken  W'ith  the  Precision  of 
Algebraic  quantities,  yet,  when  each  is  considered,  separately  and 


1 

Ibid.  pp.  437-438. 


lOc  J 'it  5i.ji 

L^-  « . * .'  * f I'- 

r 


38 


comparatively,  and  the  whole  lies  "before  me,  I think  I can  judge 
better,  and  am  less  liable  to  make  a rash  step;  and  in  fact  I have 
found  great  Advantage  from  this  kind  of  Equation,  in  what  might  be 
called  Moral  or  Prudential  Algebra." 

In  1775  Pr.  Priestley,  upon  the  recommendation  of  Pr.  Price 
left  Leeds  to  become  the  literary  companion  of  Lord  Shelburne.  In 
this  situation  he  spent  seven  years,  living  in  the  suimiier  with  his 
family  near  the  Earl’s  seat  in  Wiltshire,  and  spending  the  wint^er  in 
Lord  Shelburne’s  London  house.  In  this  same  year  the  Hoyal  Society 
gave  him  the  Copley  Medal,  that  Franklin  had  asked  for,  "as  a faith- 
ful and  unfading  testimonial  of  their  regard,  and  of  the  just  sense 

they  have  of  your  merit,  and  of  the  persevering  industry  with  which 

1 

you  have  promoted  the  views,  and  thereby  the  honor  of  this  Societyr” 

Franklin  wfes  much  pleased  with  Pr.  Priestley’s  engagem.ent  v/ith 
Lord  Shelburne  and  v/rote  to  John  Winthrop,—  "Pr.  'Priestley  is  now 
well  provided  for.  Lord  Shelburne  is  become  his  Patron,  and  desir- 
ous to  have  the  Company  of  a Man  of  general  Learning  to  read  with 
him  and  superintend  the  Education  of  his  Children,  has  taken  him 
from  his  Congregation  at  Leeds,  settled  three  hundred  pounds  a year 
upon  him  for  ten  Years,  and  two  hundred  pounds  for  life  v/ith  a House 
to  live  in  near  his  Country  Seat.  My  Lord  has  a great  Library  there 
which  the  Poctor  is  nor/  putting  in  Order  and  seems  very  happy  in  his 
nev/  Situation.  The  learned  Leisure  he  will  now  have,  secure  of  a 
com.fortable  Substance,  gives  his  Friends  a pleasing  Hope  of  many 
useful  Works  from  his  Pen.  I expect  him  soon  in  town,  when  I shall 
communicate  to  him  your  Remarks  on  his  last  Book,  for  which  I am. 
sure  he  v/ill  feel  himself  much  obliged  to  you." 

I 2 

Viorks , Vol.  I,  part  i,  p.  194.  Writings , Vol.  vi,  pp.  106-107. 


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39 


One  of  Priestley greatest  pleasures  during  his  relations  v/ith 

Lord  Shelburne  ¥v'as  his  v/inter's  residence  in ’London.  It  was,  he 

says,  '^the  means  of  improving  my  acquaintance  with  Lr.  Franklin.  I 

was  seldom  many  days  without  seeing  him,  and  being  members  of  the 

sam.e  Club,  we  constantly  returned  together.”—  Franklin’s  regard  for 

this  Club  is  seen  in  his  messages  to  Priestley  and  Price  after  his 

return  to  America.  In  1775  he  sent  his  "sincere  respects  to  the 

2 

Club  of  honest  V/higs"  at  the  London  Coffee-House.—  In  17  60  he  wrote 

to  Lr.  Price,  "Please  to  present  my  affectionate  Respects  to  that 

honest,  sensible,  and  intelligent  Society  who  did  me  so  long  the 

Honor  of  admitting  me  to  share  in  their  instructive  Conversations. 

I never  think  of  the  hours  I sq  happily  spent  in  that  com.pany  with- 

3 

out  regretting  that  they  are  never  to  be  repeated.”—  In  1782  he  • 

v/rote,  "Please  to  present  my  best  respects  to  our  good  old  friends 

at  the  London  Coffee-House.  I often  figure  to  m.yself  the  pleasure 

4 

I should  have  in  being  once  more  seated  among  them.”— 

In  1774  Lr.  Priestley  published  "An  Address  to  the  Protestant 
Lissenters  of  all  Lenominations , on  the  approaching  Election  of 
Members  to  Parliament,  v/ith  respect  to  the  State  of  Public  Liberty 
in  general  and  of  American  Affairs  in  particular.”  Franklin  had 
been  discussing  the  Am.erican  situation  with  Priestley,  who  says, 

"It  v/as  at  his  request,  enforced  by  that  of  Lr.  Fothergill,  that  I 
wrote  an  anonymous  pamphlet,  calculated  to  shov/  the  injustice  and 
impolicjr  of  a war  v/ith  the  Colonies,  previous  to  the  meeting  of  a 
of  a new  Parliament.--  He  corrected  the  press  himself,  and  to  a 

I 2 

Works,  Vol.  I,  part  i,  p.  209.  “Writings,  Vol.  VI,  p.  430. 

Iwri tings,  Vol.  VIII,  p.  8.  i Ibid.  p.  458. 

5 

.;orks,  Vol.  XXV,  pp.  392-5. 


I 

I 


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40 


passage  in  v/hich  I lamented  the  attempt  to  establish  arbitrary  power 
in  so  large  a part  of  the  British  Empire,  he  added  the  follov/ing 
clause,  'I'o  the  imminent  hazard  of  our  most  valuable  commerce,  and 
of  that  national  strength,  security,  and  felicit3?-,  which  depend  on 
union  and  liberty. ' 

"The  unit 37-  of  the  British  Empire  in  all  its  parts  was  a favor- 
ite idea  of  his.  He  used  to  compare  it  to  a beautiful  China  vase, 
which  if  once  brohen,  could  never  be  put  together  again;  and  so 
great  an  admirer 'v;as  he  of  the  British  constitution,  that  he  said  he 
saw  no  inconvenience  from  its  being  extended  all  over  the  globe. -- 
I think  I knew  him  as  well  as  one  man  can  generally  know  another. 

The  last  day  that  he  x^a-ssed  in  England,  having  given  out  that  he 
should  depart  the  day  before,  we  spent  together  without  an3r  inter- 
ruption from  morning  until  night.--  By  many  persons  Dr.  Eranklin  is 
considered  as  having  been  a cold-hearted  man,  so  callous  to  every 
feeling  of  humanit37,  that  the  prospect  of  all  the  borrows  of  a civil 
v/ar  could  not  affect  him.  This  was  far  from  being  the  case.  A 
great  part  of  trie  day  above-ment ioned  that  we  spent  together,  he  was 
looking  over  a number  of  American  newspapers,  directing  m.e  vdiat  to 
extract  from  them  for  the  English  ones;  and  in  reading  them,  he  was 
frequently  not  able  to  proceed  for  the  tears  literally  running  down 
his  cheeks.  To  strangers  he  was  cold  and  reserved;  but  v/here  he  was 
intimate,  no  man  indulged  in  more  pleasantry  and  good  humor." 

Eranklin  had  revealed  his  real  feelings  to  Dr.  Priestley  before 
this.  V/'hen  he  was  accused  of  trying  to  embroil  England  and  the 
Colonies  by  means  of  the  Hutchinson  letters,  Eranklin  went  through 
the  ordeal  without  the  least  apparent  emotion,  but,  "I’/hen  the  busi- 
ness v/as  over,"  says  Priestley,  "Dr.  Eranklin  took  me  by  the  hand 


c 


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41 


in  a manner  that  indicated  some  feeling.--  The  next  morning  I hreal;- 
fasted  with  the  doctor,  when  he  said,  he  had  never  hefore  heen  so 
sensible  of  t-he  power  of  a good  conscience;  for  that  if  he  had  not 
considered  the  thing  for  v/hich  he  had  been  so  much  insulted  as  one 
of  the  best  actions  of  his  life,  and  v;hat  he  should  certainly  do 

1 

again  in  the  same  circumstances,  he  could  not  have  supported  it."“ 

I'ranklin's  affection  for  Priestley  was  real  and  enduring.  He 
2 

wrote  in  1782,~  "I  love  you  as  much  as  ever,  and  I love  all  the 
honest  souls  that  meet  at  the  London  Coffee-House.  I only  wonder 
how  it  happened  that  they  and  all  my  friends  in  England  cam.e  to  be 
such  good  creatures  in  the  midst  of  so  perverse  a generation.  I 
long  to  see  you  and  them  once  more,  and  I labor  for  Peace  with  more 
Earnestness  that  I may  again  be  happy  in  your  sweet  society.” 

Eranklin  and  Priestley  had  not  only  a common  interest  in  sci- 
ence, they  were  radicals  in  religion  but  radicals  with  a difference. 

3 ■ 

Priestley  says  of  his  religion,""  ”I  see  the  greatest  reason  to  be 
thankful  to  God  for  the  pious  care  of  my  parents  and  friends,  in 
giving  me  religious  instruction.  My  mother  was  a woman  of  exemplary 
piety,  and  my  father  also  had  a strong  sense  of  religion,  praying 
with  his  family  morning  and  evening,  and  carefully  teaching  his 
children  and  servants  the  Assembly’s  Catechism,  which  was  all  the 
system  of  v/hich  he  had  amy  knov/ledge.  In  the  latter  part  of  his 
life, he.  became  very  fond  of  Mr.  Whitefield's  writings,  and  other 
works  of  a similar  kind,  having  been  brought  up  in  the  principles  of 
Calvinism  and  adopting  them,  but  v/ithout  giving  much  attention  to 
matters  of  speculation,  and  entertaining  no  bigoted  aversion  to 
1 2 

"V/orks,"  XXV,  p.  394.  ’’Writings,"  Vol.  iii,  p.  453. 

3 

"Works , " Vol.  I,  part  i,  pp.  10-11. 


-'  • 

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42 

those  who  differed  from  him  on  the  subject.--  Thus  I was  brought  up 
v/ith  sentiments  of  piety,  but  ?/ithout  bigotry;  and  having  from  my 
earliest  years,  given  much  attention  to  the  subject  of  religion,  I 
was  as  much  confirmed  as  I well  could  be  in  the  principles  of  Calvin- 
ism, all  the  books  that  came  my  way  having  that  tendency.”  His  "ex- 
cellent aunt,"  who  took  the  place  of  his  mother,  after  his  mother's 
death,  was  "truly  Galvinistic"  in  principle,  but  was  so  tolerant  that 
her  "home  was  the  resort  of  all  the  Dissenting  ministers  in  the  neigh- 
borhood without  distinction;  and  those  who  were  most  obnoxious  on  ac- 
count of  their  heresy,  were  almost  as  welcome  to  her,  if  she  thought 
them  good  and  honest  men,  (which  she  was  not  unwilling  to  do)  as  any 
other . 

Priestley  must  have  done  much  individual  work  while  he  was  at 

Daventry.  He  says,  "Ho  provision  was  made  for  teaching  the  learned 

langue-ges.  We  had  even  no  compositions  or  orations  in  Latin.  Our 

course  of  lectures  was  also  defective  in  containing  no  lectures  on 

the  Scriptures,  or  on  ecclesiastical  history,  and  by  the  students  in 

general--  commentators  in  general  and  ecclesiastical  history  also 

2 

were  held  in  contempt.—"  He  was  not  a consistent  Christian,  if  indeed 
he  was  one,  passing  from  Calvinism  to  Arianism,  and  then  on  to  Socin- 

3 

ianlsm.  He  professed  his  belief  in  miracles,"  but  declared  that  all 

Christianity  had  been  corrupted,  and  regarded  the  primitive  Christians 
4 

as  Unitarians ." 

Franklin  says  his  parents  gave  him  religious  impressions  early 
and  brought  him  "through  his  childhood  piously  in  the  Dissenting 
v/ay."  He  adds,  "But  I was  scarce  fifteen,  when,  after  doubting  by 

I 2 1 

Ibid.  Ibid.  p.  26.  "Works,"  xxi,  p.  92. 

4 

Ibid,  xix,  p.  295. 


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44 

says,  ”he  acknowledged  that  he  had  not  given  so  much  attention  as  he 
ought  to  have  doiie  to  the  Evidences  of  Christianity,  and  desired  me 
to  recommend  him  a fevi  treatises  on  the  subject,  such  as  I thought 
most  deserving  of  his  notice,  hut  not  of  great  length,  promising  to 
read  them,  and  give  me  his.  sentiments  on  them.”—  Priestley  gave  him 
some  pamphlets  which  the  Unitarian  Book  Society  had  published,  to- 
gether with  his  om  "Institutes  of  natural  and  Hevealed  Religion.  ” 
Pranklin  never  found  "the  leisure"  to  enjoy  the  "discussion"  that 
Dr.  Priestley  invited,  al'though  his  letters  contain  inquiries  about 
the  "Unitariei,n  Church  in  Essex  Street,"  the  "honest  minister  of  it,” 
and  other  of  Priestley's  colleagues.  In  1788  he  asked  Benjamin 
Vaughan  to  remember  him  "affectionately  to  --  the  honest  heretic.  Dr. 
Priestley.  I do  not  call  him  honest  by  way  of  distinction;  for  I 
think  all  the  heretics  I have  known  have  been  virtuous  men.  They 
have  the  virtue  of  fortitud.e,  or  they  \70uld  not  venture  to  own  their 
heresy;  and  they  can  not  afford  to  be  deficient  in  any  of  the  other 
virtues  as  that  would  give  advantage  to  their  many  enemies;  and  they 
have  not,  like  orthodox  sinners  such  a number  of  friends  to  excuse 
or  justify  them.  Bo  not,  however,  mistake  me.  It  is  not  to  m.y  good 

friend's  heresy  that  I impute  his  honesty.  On  the  contrarjr,  it  is 

2 

his  honesty  that  has  brought  upon  him  the  character  of  heretic."— 

Pranklin  and  Priestley  thought  alike  on  the  question  of  happi-  • 
ness.  They  agreed  that  the  purpose  of  life  was  not  "to  form  a shin- 
ing and  popular  character,"  but  a useful  one,  "this  being  also  the 

5 

only  foundation  of  real  happiness."—  Happiness  was  to  be  distributed 

It  was  to  be  found  in  service  and  in  emancipation.  In  this  Priestley 

1 ' 2. 
l/orks , Vol.  I,  pt.  i,  p.  212.  Writings , Vol.  ix,  p.  677. 

v/orks , Vol,  xxw,  p.  6. 


■ 


: % 0. 


\ 


s 


45 


and  S'ranklin  v/ere  one,  thus  Priestley  — said,  ’^V.’ith  your  immortal 

Pranklin,  I say,  "where  liberty  is,  there  is  ray  home." 

Pranklin  entered  the  v/orld  of  politics  early,  and  it  was  v/ith 

keen  regret  that  Priestley  sav/  him  forsake  for  it  the  attractions  of 

science.  In  1774  in  the  preface  to  the  "History  of  Electricity"  he 

wrote,  "Here  my  reader  will  thank  me,  and  the  writer  will  I hope 

forgive  me,  if  I quote  a passage  from  the  postscript  of  a letter  wh 

which  I formerly  received  from  that  excellent,  and,  in  mj?^  opinion, 

not  too  enthusia,stical  philosopher,  Father  Beccaria,  of  Turin. 

'Mi  spiace  che  il  mondo  politico  ch’  h pur  tanto 
passeggero,  rubbi  il  grande  Pranklin  al  mundo  della 
natura,  che  non  sa  ne  carabiare  ne  mancare. ' " 

In  1769  Dr.  Priestley  wrote  a pamphlet  on  "The  Present  State  of 
Liberty  in  Great  Britain  and  Her  Colonies."  It  was  published  anony- 
moiisly  during  the  Wilkes  affair  and  reviewed  the  question  of  col- 
onial taxation.  The  follov;ing  passage  shov/s  that,  like  the  Priestley 

History  Lectures,  it  was  influenced  by  Pranklin.  In  1766  ¥/hen  the 

2 

Commons  examined  Pranklin,  he  was  asked,—  "Y/ould  the  repeal  of  the 
Stamp  Act  be  any  discouragem.ent  to  your  manufactures?  Will  the  peo- 
ple that  have  begun  to  manufacture  decline  it?"  "Yes,"  replied 

Pranklin,  "I  think  they  will,  especially  if  at  the  same  time,  trade 

> 

is  opened  again,  so  that  remittances  can  be  easily  made."  VPnen,  at 
the  close  of  the  examination,  he  was  asked,  "What  used  to  be  the 
pride  of  the  Americans?"  he  ansv/ered,  "To  indulge  in  the  fashions 
and  manufactures  of  Great  Britain."  To  the  question,  "V/hat  is  nov/ 
their  pride?,  he  replied,  "To  wear  their  old  cloaths  over  again,  til3 
they  can  make  new  ones."*^  Priestley's  parallel  passage  runs;  "But 

2 5 

””  Ibid.  p.  122.  ” Writings , Vol.  ix,  p.  447.  Ibid.  p.  448. 


I,'  ' 


46 


v/ill  not  the  colonists  choose  to  manufacture  for"* themselves?  A.  It 
is  far  from  "being  their  interest  to  commence  manufactures,  and  noth- 
ing hut  necessity  can  drive  them  to  it.--  Fev/  hands  being  at  liberty 
to  apply  to  labor  or  manufactures,  their  work  is  so  dear  that  it 
v;ill  always  be  for  their  interest  to  purchase  of  us,  rather  than 
supply  themselves . 

Durirog  Priestley's  residence  ?;ith  lord  Shelburne,  Franklin  was’ 
absorbed  in_  the  question  of  the  American  War.  Priestley's  interest 
was  lively  too,  and  one  of  his  anxieties  during  his  jaunt  on  the  con- 
tinent with  Lord  Shelburne  v/as  the  state  of  American  affairs.  In 
October  1774  he  v\frote  to  Mr.  Lindsey  from  Paris, £ "We  receive  the 
English  papers  here  very  irregularly,  so  that  we  have  sometim.es  been 
a fortnight  behind  hand,  which  in  the  present  very  critical  state  of 
American  affairs,  is  the  source  of  great  anxiety  to  me.  I would 
give  a good  deal  to  know  what  you  knov/  at  this  moment.  Perhaps  you 
knov/  the  issue  of  the  congress,  and  of  the  troubles  which  seemed  to 
be  beginning  to  break  out  at  Boston." 

Franklin's  letters  to  Priestley  after  his  return  to  America, 
relate,  almost  entirely,  to  the  struggle  going  on.  He  asks  him  to 
tell  their  "good  dear  friend,  (Dr.  Price)"  who  sometimes  doubts  the 
firmness  of  the  Americans,  that  "America  is  determined  and  unani- 
rnous.'—  In  December  1776  Franklin  was  sent  to  "Paris  and  early  the 
next  year  in  reply  to  Priestley's  question  he  wrote,  "Do  not  believe 
the  reports  you  hear  of  our  internal  divisions.  We  are,  I believe, 
as  much  united  as  any  people  ever  were  and  as  firmly.”— 

I 2 

Works,  Vol.  xxii,  pp.  297-398.  Works,  Vol.  I,  part  i,  p.  253. 

3 \ i 

Writings,  Vol.  vi,  p.  430.  Ibid.  Vol.  vli,  p.  19. 


47 

nTien  Dr.  Priestley  vvas  about  to  sever  liis  relations  with  Lord 
Shelburne,  Franklin  once  more  recommended  his  system  of  moral  alge- 
bra, as  the  proper  means  to  solve  Priestley's  case.  He  further  sug- 
gested that  he  take  a college  position  in  America,  but,  v;ith  his 
usual  good  practical  sense,  reminded  him  that  such  an  engagement 
would  afford  him  no  leisure  for  his  scientific  investigation. 

Franklin's  last  letters  to  Dr.  Priestley  are  warm,  and  show  that 
he  was  not  unwilling  to  reveal  to  him  his  longing  for  peace  and  free- 
dom from  responsibility.  He  complimented  his  "good  heretic"  on  his 
zeal  for  souls,  and  wonders  if  devils  do  not  treat  each  other  with 
more  humanity  than  men  do.  He  was  interested  in  his  observations 
and  experiments  to  the  last.  "I  know  of  no  Philosopher  who  starts 
so  much  good  game  for  the  Hunters  after  Knowledge  as  you  do.  Go  on 
and  prosper . " ~ 

In  December  of  1789,  Franklin  expressed  himself  thus  on  the  Rev- 
olution in  France;  "The  Convulsions  in  France  are  attended  with  som^e 
disagreeable  circumstances;  but  if  by  the  struggle  she  obtains  and 
secures  for  the  Nation  its  future  Liberty,  and  a good  Constitution, 
a few  years'  Enjoyment  of  those  Blessings  will  amply  repair  all  the 
Damages  their  Acquisition  may  have  occasioned.  God  grant,  that  not 
only  the  Love  of  Liberty,  but  a thorough  Ilnowledge  of  the  Rights  of 
kan,  may  pervade  all  the  Nations  of  the  Earth,  so  that  a Philosopher 

may  set  his  foot  anywhere  on  its  Surface,  and  say,  '’This  is  my  Coun- 

2 

try."—  Dr.  Priestley  so  heartily  approved  of  this  last  sentiment  of 

Franklin,  that  he  became  a citizen  of  France  to  shov7  his  love  of 

liberty,  and  not,  as  Burke  said,  "on  account  of  his  declared  hostil- 

ity  to  the  constitution  of  England."— 

1 2 

"'ritin^rs.  Vol.  ix.  n.  528.  V/ritino-s,  Vol.  x,  p.  72. 

3 ^ - 

Works,  Vol.  XXV,  p.  141. 


48 


In  1790  Priestley  was  involved  in  the  Birmingham  controversies, 
that  led  to  his  migration  to  America.  It  is  safe  to  assume  that  his 
interest  in  "Political  Arithmetic”  took  him  away  from  Franklin's 
"Prudential  Algebra”  and  left  him  open  to  his  enemies.  Franklin 
died  in  April  "in  a good  old  age  at  the  end  of  a life  of  laborious 
and  glorious  usefulness."”  Like  all  pioneers,  the  Piadical  Franklin 
experienced  enough  bitter  to  make  his  life  sv/eet.  Priestley  like 
most  disciples,  if  not  eager  to  provoke  controversy,  did  not  hesitate 
to  draw  his  sv/ord. 

The  relations  between  these  two  men,  radicals  in  religion  and 
politics,  and  explorers  in  the  world  of  natural  science,  show  quite 
conclusively  that  radicalism  was  as  indigenous  and  as  thrifty  a 
product  of  IJew  England  as  it  was  of  the  Mother  Country. 


1 

Ezra  Stiles:  Literary  Diary,  p.  591. 


f , *'r»>  -Wlit  cu-  -d  - /••  i j lg 1 - 

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• ‘ ^_-  Zjt',  > .•  ,. 


49 


V. 

COECLUSIOn 

Long  before  the  ideas  of  democracy  and  the  language  of  liberty 

came  into  vogue  in  England,  Benjamin  Franklin  had  introduced  them 

•into  the  epigrams  and  Americanisms  that  gave  flavor  to  his  earliest 

writings.  As  early  as  1744,  when  ordering  books  from  'Villiam  Strahan 

he  said,  "Your  Authors  know  but  little  of  the  Fame  they  have  on  this 

side  of  the  Ocean.  V'fe  are  a kind  of  Posterity  in  respect  to  them. 

V/e  read  their  V/orks  with  perfect  impartiality,  being  at  too  great  a 

distance  to  be  byassed  by  the  Factions,  Parties,  and  Prejudices  that 

1 

prevail  among  you."  This  expresses  precisely  the  relation  that  ex- 
isted between  Franklin  and  the  English  Radicals.  He  was  a posterity 
with  respect  to  them,  and  his  years  of  association  with  the  demo- 
cratic life  and  thought  of  the  land  of  the  Pilgrim  Fathers , had 
broadened  his  view  beyond  any  petty  faction,  or  personal  bias. 

Later  in  the  same  year  he  wrote,  "Our  governments,  parliaments, 
wars,  treaties,  expeditions,  fashions,  etc.,  though  matters  of  great 
and  serious  consequence  to  us,  can  seem  but  trifles  to  you."  Here 
Franklin  sees  the  situation  exactly  as  it  is.  The  colonists  had 

emancipated  themselves,  and  were  governed  by  England  "at  the  expense 

2 

only  of  a little  pen,  ink,  and  paper."  — The  loyalty  of  the  colo- 
nists v;as  the  loyalty  of  the  imagination.  The  Mother  Country,  gov- 
T Vh'i tings,  Yol~,  ii"^  p^  E42. 

2 


Ibid.  Vol.  iv,  p.  419. 


I 


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50 


erning  by  a thread,  was  an  alma  mater  of  their  own  creation.  Born 
on  the  ’'stern  and  rock-bound  coast”  and  glowing  v/ith  the  life  and 
vigor  of  an  unfettered  childhood,  the  colonists  sav/  only  the  glory 
of  their  ovm  rising  sun,  and  clothed  the  Empire  that  claimed  their 
loyalty,  with  the  splendor  of  their  own  freedom. 

V.'iien  the  Commons  asked  Eranklin  if  he  did  not  know  that  there 
was,  in  the  Pennsylvania  charter,  "an  express  reservation  of  the 
right  of  parliament  to  lay  taxes  there,"  he  replied,  "I  Imow  there 
is  a clause  in  the  charter,  by  which  the  King  grants  that  he  wall 
levy  no  taxes  on  the  inhabitants,  unless  it  be  with  the  consent  of 
the  assembly,  or  by  an  act  of  parliament."^  Then  they  asked  him 
how  the  assembly  could  assert  that  the  stamp  act  was  an  infringement. 
Franklin’s  reply  is  most  significant.  "They  understood  it  thus;  by 
the  same  charter,  and  otherv/ise,  they  are  entitled  to  all  the  privi- 
leges and  liberties  of  Englishmen;  they  find  in  the  great  charters, 
and  the  petition  and  declaration  of  rights,  that  one  of  the  privi- 
leges of  English  subjects  is,  that  they  are  not  to  be  taxed  but  by 
their  com.mon  consent;  they  have  therefore  relied  upon  it,  from  the 
first  settlement  of  the  province,  that  the  parliament  never  would, 
nor  could,  by  colour  of  that  clause  in  the  charter,  assume  a right 
of  taxing  them,  till  it  had  qualified  itself  to  exercise  such  right, 

by  admitting  representatives  of  the  people  to  be  taxed,  w/ho  ought  to 

2 

make  a part  of  that  comm.on  consent."—  Here  is  the  exact  temper  of 

the  Americans.  The  spirit  of  independence  and  non-conf ority  that 

gave  birth  to  the  colonies,  was  nov/  demanding  that  parliament  oual- 

ify  itself  to  conform  to  their  demands. 

“1  2 

Ibid.  p.  445.  Ibid.  p.  445. 


51 


Franklin  represented  this  American  Spirit.  By  culture,  travel, 
opportunity,  and  desire  he  v/as  an  Englishman,  hut  his  sympathies, 
aspirations,  and  convictions  were  those  of  America.  It  was  the 
American  Franklin,  glowing  v^ith  a century  of  self-expression,  that 
demanded  ’'the  common  rights  of  Englishmen,"  the  common  rights  of 
man.  The  humanitarian  Franklin  shared  his  "three  puffy  rolls"  with 
a needy  mother  and  child;  the  English  Franklin  enjoyed  the  enter- 
tainment at  the  London  ale-house,  when  the  author  of  The  Fahle  of 
the  Bees  attracted  a group  of  free-thinkers  hy  his  facetious  conver- 
sation, hut  the  Puritan  Franklin  renounced  the  errata  of  his  life, 
and  protested  "Except  the  Lord  build  the  House,  they  labour  in  vain 
that  build  it."—  The  English  Franklin  was  one  v/ith  Burke  and  the 
whig  principles  of  1765,  but  Franklin,  the  Puritan  radical,  and  the 
liberal  dissenters  v/ere  one  in  1775. 

It  was  natural  for  the  English  radicals  to  turn  to  America  as 
the  most  likely  place  for  their  dream.s  to  come  true.  Like  Paine, 
they  saw  in  Franklin's  cause,  the  cause  of  mankind,  and  the  moment 
seemed  at  hand  to  make  the  universal  social  contract.  The  principle 
of  the  inalienable  rights  of  man  expressed  itself  politically  in 
democracy,  and  religiously  in  Leism.  Lr.  Priestley  looked  for  his 
Utopia  in  a reform  centering  around  the  church,  and  from  such  a re- 
form he  looked  for  the  greatest  happiness.  Lr.  Price  saw  the  weak- 
nesses of  the  British  Empire,  and  felt  that  reform,  must  begin  with 
the  correction  of  the  colonial  policy.  Lr.  Andrew  Kippis,  another 
of  the  honest  souls,  felt  that  the  fire  of  emancipation  must  be 
fanned  by  teaching  the  principles  of  liberty,  and  his  success  is 


1 

Ibid.  Vol.  ix,  p.  601. 


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52 


attested  in  the  life  of  Godv/in,  his  most  notable  pupil,  who  passed 
the  torch  to  his  ardent  disciple  Shelley,  who  pined  ’’for  what  is 
not." 

Pranhlin 's  theory  of  reform  v/as  more  inclusive,  and  more  dis- 
tinctly individualistic.  It  began  at  home,  within  the  man.  Before 
erecting  an  edifice  for  the  perfection  of  the  v/orld,  he  laid  the 
moral  foundation  v/ithin  himself,  in  his  own  life.  Ilather’s  Essa?/ 
to  do  Good  was  translated  into  his  own  experience,  and  together  with 
the  "decent  plainness  and  imnly  freedom,"  that  was  his  inheritance, 
urged  him  to  try  to  make  "the  world  safe  for  democracy."  Eully  per- 
suaded, by  actual  experience  with  m.en,  of  the  utility  of  "evenness 
of  temper  and  cheerfulness  of  conversation,”  he  cultivated  a grace- 
ful urbanity  and  delightful  amenity,  so  that  "for  fiftjr  years  no 
dogmatical  expression"  escaped  from  him.  In  this  way  he  drew  the 
English  radicals  tov/ard  him,  but  kept  free  from  all  their  disagree- 
able by-products,  by  avoiding  controversy  and  turning  even  his  en- 
emies to  use . 

Through  the  "Club  of  honest  hhigs”  he  stimulated  English  radi- 
calism to  the  point  of  an  "inquiry  into  political  .justice,"  but  his 
radical  descendents  in  England  failed  to  grasp  the  sage  conclusion 
of  his  closing  years:  "The  longer  I live,  the  more  convincing 

1 

proofs  I see  of  this  Truth,  that  God  governs  in  the  affairs  of  men." 

The  compliment  he  bestowed  on  his  Quaker  friend.  Dr.  Eothergill, 

2 

might  well  be  applied  to  him:  "He  was  a great  doer  of  good..""" 

1 2 

Ibid.  vol.  ix,  p.  691.  I.Iemoirs  of  J ohn  Eother,g:ill . u.  1.,  John 

Groakley  Lettsom,  Ed.  4,  london,  1766, 
p.  176. 


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53 


APPSIJDIX  I. 

Pranklin's  conceptioii  of  a free  and  happy  people,  in  177£,  was 
such  as  exists  when  every  man  is  a freeholder,  has  a vote  in  public 
affairs,  lives  in  a comfortable  house,  and  has  plenty  of  good  food. 
In  1787  he  opposed  vigorously  a proposal  to  limit  suffrage  to  free- 
holders, as  tending  to  lower  the  ideals  of  the  poorer  classes.” 


APPEiroDC  II. 

In  1760  Pranhlin  v/rote  to  Pr.  Priestley,-?  ”I  always  rejoice  to 
hear  of  your  being  still  employed  in  experimental  Researches  into 
Rature  and  of  the  Success  you  meet  with.  The  rapid  Progress  true 
Science  na7  m.akes  occasions  my  regretting  sometimes  that  I ?/as  born 
so  soon.”  Priestley's  ability  to  start  "new  game"  for  hunters  in 
the  ?/orld-  of  science,  ?/as  knovvn  to  Thomas  Jefferson.  The  relations 
between  Jefferson  and  Priestley  Yiere  most  friendly,  and  Jefferson's 
election  to  the  presidency  prevented  Priestley's  being  returned  to 
England  under  the  Alien  and  Sedition  Act. 

Jefferson  shared  Eranhlin's  high  esteem  for  Priestley's  inves- 
tigations in  science.  In  1800  Priestley  vixote  to  his  friend  Mr. 
Russell,  "Mr.  Jefferson  writes  to  consult  me  about  the  plan  of  a new 

college,  which  the  State  of  Virginia  is  going  to  establish  and  en- 
3 

dov/."—  Priestley  gave  him  his  "best  advice,"  and  v/rote  later  that, 
"Mr.  'Jefferson  approved  of  it."  In  December  of  the  same  year  he 
wrote  to  Mr.  Lindsey  that  Jefferson  had  approved  the  plan  he  sent 


1 

Writings . Vol.  ix,  pp.  590-607. 
3 

W'orhs , Vol.  I,  pr.  ii,  p.  427. 


Writings , 


Vol.  iii,  pp.  9-10. 


2 


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54 

Iiirn  fop  "til©  0 0113131.1311131011  ^ of  fli©  n©w  collsg©.  Tli©  uponiinsnc© 

of  clieniisfry  in  fh©  curriciiliuii  of  Univorsify  of  Virg^inis.  siiov/s 
friostley's  influoiice. 

Dr.  Pri©stl©y  b©cam©  sinc©r©ly  attachod  to  Jofferson.  He  spoke 

of  him  as  a "man  of  great  prudence  and  moderation,  and  if  it  Toe 

possible,  he  will  heal  their  differences,  and  keep  the  country  in 
2 

peace,”—  and  again  as  "every  thing  that  the  friends  of  liberty  can 
v/ish."“  He  dedicated  to  him  his  "History  of  the  Church,"  and 
Jefferson  accepted  it  as  a precious  testimony  that  his  sincere  de- 
sire to  do  ?/nat  was  right  and  .just,  had  been  received  ?/ith  candor. 

He  invited  Priestley  to  visit  him,  but  Priestley  found  the  "distance 

too  great  and  the  travelling  too  incommodious  for  a person  of  his 

4 

age  and  health."  It  is  probable  that  this  friendship  gave  Priestles 
an  opportuni  uy  to  finish  the  work  v/hich  v/ould  have  been  done  with 
Pranklin’s  cooperation,  if  he  had  not  been  "born  too  soon.” 


Ibid.  p.  450. 


Ibid.  p.  476. 


4 


Ibid,  p,  453. 


Works,  Vol.  I,  pt.  ii,  p.  501 


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55 


BIBLIOGRAPHY 


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Conway,  Moncure  Daniel;  The  Life  of  Thomas  Paine , Hew  Yorh, 
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Curwen,  Samuel;  J ournal  and  Letters , 3rd  ed.  By  George 
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Pitzmaurice,  Lord  Edmond;  Life  of  William,  Earl  of  Shelburne , 
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Godwin,  '"illiam;  ^ Enouir;/  Concerning  Political  Justice , 
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Lettsom,  John  Croakley;  Memoirs  of  John  Pothergill,  M.  L. , 

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Morgan,  William;  Memoirs  of  the  Life  of  The  Rev.  Richard 
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